Written by: Shah Dedar, Master’s Student, Åbo Akademi University

Cultural diversity is an integral component of every society. Culture extends beyond mere practices; it is a fundamental aspect of our identity and way of life. In the novel “The Razor’s Edge”, Somerset Maugham eloquently expressed that—

Men and women are not only themselves; they are also the region in which they were born, the city apartment or the farm in which they learnt to walk, the games they played as children, the tales they overheard, the food they ate, the schools they attended, the sports they followed, the poets they read and the God they believed in.

Embarking on an academic journey in the “Happiest Country” – Finland, I found myself grappling with cultural disparities that colored my everyday experiences leaving me both amused and perplexed.

Getting on the Bus: Brand new experience

On a radiant September morning in Finland, as the dawn broke over the horizon of Turku, my new home, I embarked on what should have been a routine journey to my university. It was my inaugural day, a seemingly simple task—boarding a bus—turned into a lesson in cultural nuances. There I was, meandering along the roadside, casually waving my hand in the air, trying to signal a bus in the way I had always known back home. To my astonishment, the buses paid no heed to my gestures, continuing on their routes as if I were invisible. Following a lengthy walk, I eventually found a bus stop and sat down by myself, waiting expectantly for the bus to come to a stop. Surprisingly, even at the bus stop, no buses came to a stop until another passenger also gestured to flag one down. My efforts to disembark met a similar fate; my pleas to the bus driver seemed to vanish into thin air. Amidst my confusion, I observed the bus’s three doors. Without giving it much thought, I attempted to board through the middle door, only to be met with a look of displeasure from the bus driver.

It was the “Survival Guide 2023–2024, Åbo–Vasa” that illuminated the mystery for me, unraveling the nuanced tapestry of Finnish public transportation etiquette and the vital importance of cultural acclimatization.

I learned that Bus stops in the area have distinct yellow signs, designating them for the City Transport Service. The numbers posted on these yellow-signed stops indicate the buses that serve each location. When preparing to board a bus, it is necessary to be at the appropriate bus stop and ready to signal the driver by waving a hand and must press the ‘stop’ button to disembark. I felt it interesting that passengers have a role in controlling the bus. Boarding is typically done through the front door; while exiting is facilitated through the middle and last door. I observed passengers forming orderly lines to board the bus. Queuing is an unspoken rule in Finland. I came to learn that Finns take queuing seriously, and it is important never to attempt to bypass the line. This encounter with structured protocol deepened my appreciation for the disciplined and organized Finnish way of life.

Street food adventures and dinnertime: First cultural shock

I had the fortunate experience of living with a Finnish family for three months. On the third evening, I was taken aback when my landlord requested that dinner be finished by 21:00. Back in my home country, that time was barely considered the hour to leave work, let alone sit down for a leisurely “Adda”. It was only later that I realized my landlord had kindly adjusted the usual dinner time by two hours for me, as Finns typically dine between 17:00 and 19:00. This dinner time brought back memories of the customs observed in an aristocratic farmer’s family, a time when switch could not turn on the light, the entire village would wind down after the Isha prayer, putting out their kerosene lamps and retiring for the night. Reflecting on those cherished memories fills me with nostalgia for the simplicity of youth.

Anticipating the joy of indulging in street food, a beloved pastime back home, I quickly discovered that I was now residing in an area devoid of beloved street foods like Chhola, Muri, Piyanju, Puri, Singgara, the iconic Chap from Mohammedpur, or the flavorful Tehari from Neelkhet, along with any other such “Aha” food items! The absence of street food stalls left me longing for the vibrant and diverse food culture I had left behind. Even the switch from rice, a dietary staple, to potatoes showcased the stark contrast in food preferences.

Dudh-cha O Adda (Milk-tea and Casual conversation)

A universal quest for comfort led me to seek a cup of tea— perhaps the most common beverage in Bangladesh. However, my search for the familiar taste of milk tea proved fruitless in Finland. This contrast in beverage preferences highlighted the subtle but significant differences in daily life between the two cultures. The absence of milk tea, and the prominence of coffee as the preferred beverage presented culinary diversity. Typically, a Bangladeshi consumes five to seven cups of tea daily, whereas Finns may have as many as five cups of coffee each day.

Organized cultural loneliness

The allure of Turku’s organized beauty concealed a sense of loneliness as I discovered a stark contrast to the bustling, talkative streets of Bangladesh. The absence of casual conversations and the vibrant street tea culture left me feeling isolated in this seemingly idyllic city. Growing up, the soundtrack of my life included bus horns, the hustle and bustle of passersby, traffic jams, and dust—elements that defined my daily existence. However, arriving here, I encountered a beautifully organized city, which, paradoxically, left me feeling isolated. In this aesthetically pleasing city, people rarely engage in spontaneous conversations, and the absence of a vibrant street tea culture heightened my sense of loneliness.

Through my experiences, I learned that forming connections in this culture takes time. “Finns have a self-conception and reputation for being reserved and sparing with words” (Countries and Their Cultures, 2006). Yet, once established, friendships with the Finnish people are enduring. Finland’s preference for explicit communication contrasts with the implicit communication style in Bangladeshi society. Edward T. Hall’s “High-context vs. Low-context communication theory is relevant in understanding communication style differences. I realized that for an organized society to thrive, there must be opportunities for interaction with neighbors, fostering a sense of belonging and community.

Humans possess a robust capacity for integration. Throughout this integration process, wherein the emphasis is on a “strong sense of their own group identity and an appreciation for other cultural groups” (Martin & Nakayama), I preserved my customary social interactions and dietary habits, opting instead to adopt an organized, punctual, and equally respectful way of life.

Still, I felt ashamed on my first day of trying to stop the bus anywhere on the street.

In my journey, I have discovered that the essence of “Happiest” lies in the bedrock of traits embedded in Finnish society—organization, punctuality, honesty, and equality. These fundamentals are not confined to the enchanting landscapes of Finland; they possess the transformative power to uplift any society. Yet, the true magic happens when these qualities intertwine with the fabric of social interactions and a robust sense of community within neighborhoods. Happiness, it seems, is not just a destination but a way of being, woven into the very essence of how we engage with one another and cultivate strong bonds within our communities.

Student Blog By: Akinyemi Ismaila Tunde

It is important to acknowledge that the advent of disruptive technologies has changed every aspect of our lives in ways we never previously imagined. According to Business Insider, around August 2022, a Polish giant drinks maker,  Dictador noted that it is poised to be the first company in the world to appoint an AI (Artificial Intelligence) robot as its ‘experimental’ Chief Executive Officer (CEO) (Mann, 2023). This giant step shows that the world is in the middle of the 4^th industrial revolution and the only way forward for everyone to prepare for this radical change.

However, it is not all good news because there are some disadvantages of this innovation especially in the fact that it can foster a digital divide and challenge social inclusions. Like every other social and economic disparity, the International Finance Corporation (2023), predicts that the digital divide and social exclusion can further increase poverty levels and social inequalities in various areas of the world because access to information increases access to financial success (IFC, 2023)

As noted by Seeletsco and Kaplan (2022), even while digitalization is a worthy endeavour, it has had detrimental effects in several emerging nations, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. The negative effects of technology adoption, such as social isolation and the digital divide, have impacted many people in developing nations.

What is the Digital Divide?

Digital disparities across people, families, enterprises, and geographic areas are together referred to as the “digital divide” (Pick and Sarkar, 2016; OECD, 2001). As established by Taylor and Rasure (2023), the digital divide is a term used to explain the lack of access to digital technologies caused by either a lack of finance, or geographical, demographical, or technical limitations.

The term was popularized in the late 20^th century to refer to the limited access to phones and other digital gadgets in various parts of the world. More recently, it is used to examine the lack of internet access and connectivity between males and females, developed or developing countries, urban and rural areas, and oceanic and landlocked areas in different locations of the world.

In 2022, 80% of Europeans and just 22% of Africans had access to an internet connection, indicating the continued disparity in internet penetration rates between continents (IFC, 2023). According to Deloitte (2021), the United States would have added 875,000 new jobs and over $186 billion in economic activity if there had been a 10% increase in internet availability in 2014.

These figures show the rate of the digital divide across continents and how it can contribute to the economic development of countries when it is given the utmost attention its solely deserves. Regrettably, social exclusion also has the same effect across continents.

What is Social Exclusion?

As confirmed by Cuesta, López-Nova, and Niño-Zarazúa (2022), it is estimated that 2.33 billion to 2.43 billion individuals, or around 32% of the world’s population, are in danger of social exclusion. There are 1.3 billion of these individuals living in the South Asian, East Asian, and Pacific areas; 840 million of them reside in China and India alone. Conversely, the highest percentage of any area is seen in Sub-Saharan Africa, where 52% of the population is susceptible to being excluded.

Social Exclusion is defined by Walsh (2006) as the process of preventing someone from fully accessing rights, opportunities, and resources that are typically available to members of a different group and that are essential to social integration and the upholding of human rights within that specific group.

The Relationship between Digital Divide, Social Exclusion and Poverty

The relationship between poverty and digital exclusion is evident. According to Gunkel (2003) (and as already established above), sub-Saharan Africa, the most improvised region on the planet also has the highest rate of ‘digital divide’ and ‘social exclusion’ in the world.

Bridging the technology gap by combating the digital divide and social exclusion is directly related to bridging the poverty gap (Gunkel, 2023), and policymakers and governments across sub-Saharan Africa (most especially) and everywhere else need to understand and appreciate the importance of providing affordable digital technologies because of its power to combat crime, unemployment, poverty, insecurity, and foster economic development.

Digital Divide and Social Exclusion in Nigeria

Nigeria, with its burgeoning middle class, nascent democracy, and youthful populace, is a shining star in sub-Saharan Africa. Nonetheless, the nation continues to confront difficulties in closing the digital gap and expanding employment, educational, and global economic prospects.

In Nigeria, for instance, the National Bureau of Statistics (2023) recorded the real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for the Information and Communications Technology (ICT) sector for the second quarter of 2023 was 19.54%. In comparison to the 18.44% registered during the same time previous year, this indicates a rise in contribution year on year (YOY) (NBS, 2023).

Why is it important to close the Digital Divide in Nigeria?

The figures from the NBS above show the importance of technology and why there is a need for governments and policymakers to leverage digital innovations to deliver nation-building plans and national economic development projections. According to the IMF (2023), Nigeria is the largest economy in Africa and its most populous nation. So, if 20% of the Nigerian economy is contributed by digital technology with little or no governmental help. It is interesting to imagine the unlimited opportunities available in the ICT space when the government begins to seriously tackle the digital divide and social exclusion that is pervasive in Nigeria.

Edafewotu and Okocha (2022) believe that the challenges presented by the digital divide in Nigeria necessitate a comprehensive strategy that ought to enhance economic growth. It is advised that bridging the country’s digital gap is essential to achieving socio-economic progress in the country. Nigeria must close the growing digital divide that exists inside and between sub-Saharan African states, communities, and people.

How to close the Digital Divide in Nigeria?

To achieve this, the United Nations is actively helping countries with the provision of internet access and penetration through the Alliance for Affordable Internet (A4AI) which seeks to lower broadband internet costs in particular global regions, and Starlink which has sent satellites into orbit to deliver high-speed internet at cheap worldwide coverage.

Also, the Nigerian government has been collaborating with the Intel World Ahead Programme to increase possibilities of available when the poor have access to digital technologies. Tens of thousands of Nigerians are getting their first PC thanks to the Computers for All Nigerians Initiative (CANi), and schoolchildren in Nigeria are using computers for the first time. Additionally, instructors are becoming more adept at using technology to enhance teaching and learning (Intel Nigeria, 2023).

Another way to close the digital divide is by establishing internet centers that serve all local governments, implementing hands-on information and communications technology (ICT) courses in schools, and providing tax breaks to private businesses to incentivize them to invest in digital infrastructure (Olajide, 2023).

However, the Nigerian government can also learn from the government of the United States’ response to the digital divide and social exclusion roadmaps by providing laws and legislation like the Infrastructure and Jobs Acts (2021). The comprehensive package was signed into law by President Joe Biden on November 15, 2021, which aims to close the digital divide by investing $65 billion to provide rural America with high-speed internet.

Conclusively, it is crucial to remember that closing the digital gap is a complicated problem that calls for a multifaceted strategy. The leaders of Nigeria need to be more proactive in using information and communications technology (ICT) to increase opportunities and allow Nigeria to take center stage in international affairs.

the Nigerian government and other countries need to understand that bridging the technology gap is paramount to preparing the country’s young and vibrant population for the future as the world continues to turn to digital technologies in the global emerging business frontier occasioned by disruptive technologies and innovation.

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References

Cuesta, J.; López-Nova, B.; Niño-Zarazúa, M., (2022). Social Exclusion: Concepts, Measurement, and a Global Estimate. Policy Research Working Papers;10097. © World Bank, Washington, DC. http://hdl.handle.net/10986/37594

Deloitte (2021), Quantifying the Economic Impact of Closing the Digital Divide. Deloittle. Available at: Deloitte: Quantifying the Economic Impact of Closing the Digital Divide – Press release | Deloitte US (Accessed 8 Nov 2023)

Edafewotu, E.; Okocha, D.; (2022). Bridging the Digital Divide in Nigeria. 33., The Journal of development communication.

Gunkel, D. J. (2003). Second thoughts: toward a critique of the digital divide. New Media & Society, 5(4), 499–522.

International Finance Corporation (2023), Creating Markets, Creating Opportunities. Available at: International Finance Corporation (IFC) (Accessed 8 Nov. 2023)

International Monetary Fund (2023), Regional Economic Outlook Report: Light on the Horizon? Available at: https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/REO/SSA/Issues/2023/10/16/regional-economic-outlook-for-sub-saharan-africa-october-2023 (Accessed 8 Nov. 2023)

Intel Nigeria (2023), White Paper: Bridging the Digital Divide in Nigeria. Available at: https://www.intel.com/content/dam/doc/white-paper/learning-series-bridging-digital-divide-nigeria-paper.pdf (Accessed on: 13th Nov. 2023)

Mann, J., (2023), The humanoid robot CEO of a drinks company says she doesn’t have weekends and is ‘always on 24/7’ Business Insider. Available at: https://africa.businessinsider.com/news/the-humanoid-robot-ceo-of-a-drinks-company-says-she-doesnt-have-weekends-and-is/41jq5dy (Accessed 8 Nov. 2023)

National Bureau of Statistics (2023), GDP Growth (Y-O-Y) Second Quarter. Available at: https://nigerianstat.gov.ng/ (Accessed 8 Nov. 2023)

OECD. (2001). Understanding the digital divide. OECD Digital Economy Papers, 49, OECD Publishing, Paris, France. https://doi.org/10.1787/236405667766.

Olajide, L., (2023), CLOSING THE DIGITAL GENDER GAP IN NIGERIA: WHAT MUST BE DONE. Aspilos Foundation. Available at: https://aspilosfoundation.org.ng/2021/02/01/closing-the-digital-gender-gap-in-nigeria-what-must-be-done/ (Accessed on: 13 Nov 2023)

Pick, J., & Sarkar, A. (2016). Theories of the digital divide: Critical comparison. In 49th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences (HICSS 2016) Proceedings, IEEE,  3888–3897.

Seeletso, K.M., & Kaplan, A., (2022), Digital Transformation and Disruption of Higher Education , pp. 34 – 44, Cambridge University Press. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108979146.006

Taylor K., and Rasure, K., (2023), The Digital Divide: What It Is, and What’s Being Done to Close It. Investopedia. Available at:https://www.investopedia.com/the-digital-divide-5116352#What%20Is%20The%20Digital%20Divide? (Accessed 8 Nov 2023)

Walsh, T (2006). “A right to inclusion? Homelessness, human rights, and social exclusion”. Australian Journal of Human Rights. 12 (1): 185–204. doi:10.1080/1323238x.2006.11910818. S2CID 150777458.

 

 

By Nia Sullivan

Introduction

As a recent graduate from the Social Exclusion Masters program at Åbo Akademi University, my academic journey provided a robust foundation for understanding the intricacies of societal inequalities. As a student transitioning from academia to the professional world, I completed two transformative internships with Think Africa ry and Amnesty International, focusing on project coordination and activist initiatives in Finland. These internships fostered influential connections and affirmed my competence, ambition, and potential. This blog post serves as a reflective narrative on my journey, underscoring the pivotal role of internships in translating academic knowledge into real-world impact.

Bridging Theory and Practice

My academic endeavors equipped me with an essential understanding of social exclusion and gender studies. However, as I embarked on my internships with Think Africa ry and Amnesty International, I quickly realized the distinct value of applying theoretical knowledge to my perspectives of practical scenarios. Understanding the circulation of constraints that prevent individuals from full social, economic, and political participation and access was influential during my internships as both organizations work with community and societal matters. Familiarity with social exclusion theories formed a solid basis for capturing societal challenges, accentuating the nuances, and nurturing inclusivity during my internship experiences. Next, I will discuss my internship experiences and my most significant takeaways.

Think Africa Journey: Women’s Entrepreneurial Program

During my project coordinator internship with Think Africa, I immersed myself in the vibrant world of entrepreneurship and social impact. The Women’s Entrepreneurial Program encouraged community members to acquire skills in entrepreneurship through insightful workshops and training. From orchestrating events that fostered economic empowerment to collaborating with diverse stakeholders, this experience honed my project management skills and ignited a passion for community upliftment. I acquired knowledge in budgeting, timelines, reporting, risk management, and defining and directing project goals. Collaboration, prioritization, and building a professional network in Finland were significant takeaways from this position. I remain involved with Think Africa, serving as the General Secretary and partnerships lead. Think Africa regularly offers internship opportunities for students of various fields. I encourage everyone to check them out!

Amnesty International: Activism, Anti-Racism, and Amplifying Voices

My internship with Amnesty International (Finland) ushered me into the realm of activism, where my focus shifted from economic empowerment to human rights and social justice. Notably, this venture emphasized welcoming opportunities and collaboration. My internship was intended as a six-month position within the activism team; nevertheless, I was asked to stay for eleven months and collaborated with the activism, advocacy, outreach, fundraising, and communications teams. My experience working with exceptional colleagues and my involvement in campaigns and outreach initiatives greatly influenced my personal and professional life. This experience enabled me to amplify the voices of marginalized individuals and contribute tangibly to advocacy efforts through research, writing activism blogs, and working with local and international activists. I remain involved with Amnesty International and urge students in the Social Exclusion Program to become engaged in their local Amnesty groups!

Unlocking Opportunities

When exploring internship opportunities, consider leveraging Åbo Akademi’s career services and networking opportunities. Consistently cultivate connections with professors and become involved in your community. I recommend researching organizations aligning with your interests, which is how I learned about my internship opportunities. It is valuable to utilize informational interviews to gain insights and to reach out to professors, mentors, or professionals in your desired field for guidance. Persistence is vital; stay proactive and be prepared to showcase your confidence and adaptability during interviews. Internships offer experience in addition to establishing connections and exploring potential career paths.

Conclusion

Both internships highlighted the significance of effective leadership, collaboration, and adaptability. Working alongside professionals, activists, and volunteers has contributed significantly to my personal and professional growth. Internships extend beyond skill acquisition; they shape career goals, provide networking opportunities, and open doors to unanticipated opportunities. Including these internships in my study experience highlighted the interplay between academia and real-world engagement, which forms understanding and impactful action. The transformative power of internships illuminated my academic journey. The combination of theoretical knowledge and hands-on experience has catalyzed my evolution into a proactive agent of positive transformation. I invite students in the Social Exclusion Program to recognize the potential of internship experiences in shaping a future characterized by empathy, innovation, and equity.

Written by Rose Armitage

Introduction

The announcement and implementation of the UK’s new scheme will have consequences for the global geopolitical space. There is this understanding that it may create a geopolitical domino effect amongst many other countries. Furthermore, the safety of Rwanda to receive high amounts of deportations from multiple countries has also not been assessed.

 

 Countries Becoming Deportation Machines

Asylum-seeking systems are widely inadequate in economically advantaged countries. Fekete (2005) classified the European approach to migration as becoming a deportation machine where trauma and human rights abuses are disregarded. Many governments adopt the position that migration may threaten the stability of the country but also use the trope through party politics as a mechanism to cater towards populist movements. Haselsberger (2014) points out that borders can have a functional geopolitical and symbolical role. Symbolically, the scheme sets a precedent that asylum-seeking can be approached by the manipulation of power through the agreement of a financial deal instead of attending to obligations and responsibilities. It is pointed out by human rights organisations, and likewise by the UNHCR and the EU that as more countries adopt more deportation schemes, more will follow causing a domino effect (Al Jazeera, 2021) as it gives a green light to abuse people’s human right to claim asylum. However, it is argued that because the public response was generally negative, it would not contribute to other countries taking the same path, especially due to past deportation schemes, such as Australia expelling migrants to the island state of Nauru. (Höni, 2022). These examples and Rwanda could act more as a caution instead of an example. (Barry, 2022). Despite there being an inference that the scheme could be an example acting as a deterrent, the evidence suggests that more governments in economically advantaged countries are adopting similar methods. It is a dangerous example to set, a “socially constituent power practice” (Hasselberg, 2014), as it doesn’t commit to tackling the crisis with care and acknowledging the needs of the individuals but instead threatens those in difficult and vulnerable situations.

 

The Domino Effect

There are a handful of countries in recent years that have adopted deportation schemes that are strung with financial deals including Australia, Israel, Denmark, and US. (Al Jazeera, 2021). BMJ (2022) points to assessments of current deportation schemes such as in Australia that have led to humanitarian catastrophes with heavy death tolls. From the notion of “the assertion that every future encapsulates history” (Kwazema, 2022), as more countries adopt deportation schemes history is being written for the future to encapsulate the same exclusionary ideas. If more countries do not sustain their obligations in relation to asylum seeking it is more likely that it will materialise as a normality. Significantly, as we are living in an age with globalised mass-media showpiece politics in the geopolitical setting can be dangerously utilised more if countries advertise their refugee system as hostile fleeing asylum seekers will be less willing to seek help and safety when in need. In addition, it will also put on more pressure on the countries that are processing asylum seekers justly. It is hypothesised that once Denmark brought in new legalisations in June 2021 that allow for the removal of people once they were made aware that the UK was exploring the option with Rwanda Demark proceeded to arrange a similar agreement evidencing this domino effect in action. (Höni, 2021).

 

Why Rwanda?

Rwanda has agreed to the partnership due to the economic benefits it will receive but also as an opportunity to become more involved as an international player. Shortly after the scheme was announced, the Human Rights Watch (2022) sent a letter to the UK Home Secretary strongly urging the government to reconsider the plan. It is a clear abrogation of the UK’s international responsibilities and obligations whereby the scheme would be acting against the 1951 Refugee Convention. The letter also detailed the human rights issues occurring in Rwanda related to repression of free speech, arbitrary detention, ill-treatment, and torture by Rwandan authorities; moreover, it stressed it is a country still recovering and dealing with the national trauma of the genocide. It is questionable currently how viable and effective the integration of refugees (who have been deported against their will) into Rwanda given their political instabilities, injustices, and national trauma. As UK and Denmark have both made deals with Rwanda along with Switzerland and Canada paying Rwanda to take Libyan refugees since 2019 (Höni, 2022) it has not been investigated the impacts of accepting these deportations from several different countries on the Rwandan society.

 

Conclusion

Conclusively, whilst the argument has been put forward that the UK’s plan and similar plans in other countries will not cause a geopolitical domino effect of other countries following suit, I would disagree. Countries that introduce legislation and systems that blatantly violates human rights has a role in influencing other countries. More may orientate themselves towards the same power plays especially amongst high rising populism. This results in further contributing to ethical blind spots and disregarding’s people’s needs and well-being.

 

Bibliography

Al Jazeera. 2021. Danish parliament approves law to deport asylum seekers. Available from: Danish parliament approves law to deport asylum seekers | Migration News | Al Jazeera

Barry, E. 2022. Britain Is Sending Asylum-Seekers to Rwanda. It Sets a Dangerous Precedent. Time, Available from: U.K. Sends Asylum-Seekers to Rwanda, a Dangerous Development | Time

BMJ. 2022. UK-Rwanda migration plan fails to safeguard refugees’ medical care, say campaigners. Available from: UK-Rwanda migration plan fails to safeguard refugees’ medical care, say campaigners |B The BMJ

Fekete, L. 2005. The deportation machine: Europe, asylum and human rights. Race and Class, 47(1), pp.64-78.

Höni, J. 2022 Out of Sight, out of Mind?: Why the UK-Rwanda Deal on Offshore Migration Processing May (Not) Serve as an Example for Other Immigration-Skeptic States in the Global North, Völkerrechtsblog.

Haselsberger, B. 2014. Decoding borders. Appreciating border impacts on space and people. Planning Theory & Practice, 15(4), pp.505-26.

Human Rights Watch. 2022. Public Letter to UK Home Secretary on Expulsions to Rwanda. Available from: Public Letter to UK Home Secretary on Expulsions to Rwanda | Human Rights Watch (hrw.org)

Kwazema, M. 2022. The Future as an Agency of Social Exclusion: Analysing the Ethnopolitical Exclusion of the Igbo People of Nigeria. In: Alemanji, A.A., Meijer, C.M., Kwazema, M., Benyah, F.E.K. (eds) Contemporary Discourses in Social Exclusion. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham.

 

Read Rose’s first blog post here.

Written by Rose Armitage

Introduction

Social exclusion in a geographical migration context can be defined as political and economic power structures at play that discriminate individuals moving from one place to another. UK’s Rwanda Scheme first announced in 2022, is a prime example of geographical social exclusion as it violates the country’s human rights obligations for people to claim asylum safely. I want to discuss the additions and damages of media and political discourses and how perception and language feed into persisting problems of division by power, the relationship between law and showpiece politics and what this means for human rights of asylum seekers. An asylum seeker can be defined as an individual seeking international protection due to fleeing their country of origin because of fear of persecution and a refugee is an asylum seeker who has been legally recognised (Amnesty International, 2019).

 

What is the Rwanda Scheme?

The Rwanda Scheme is a financial deal between the UK and Rwanda which implements systematic deportation of people who enter the UK to be deported to Rwanda if they enter the UK ‘unofficially’. However, it’s virtually impossible to claim asylum unless already in the country; therefore, the plan creates a paradoxical situation for asylum seekers. Reports (Sky, 2022) state that migration politics have long been susceptible to language that contributes to a perception that migration and asylum seeking is an issue of securitization. Securitization, in the context of international relations, refers to approaching an issue with the mindset that a certain issue is a crisis; therefore, it should be approached with urgency, threat and defence (Munster, 2012). The mobility of people whether migration or asylum seeking should never be considered an issue of securitisation. Historically, deportation has an association with crime; between the 16th and 18th century, convicts were transported from Britain and Ireland to various penal colonies such as Australia. As asylum-seeking is increasingly viewed as a securitization rather than a humanitarian issue, the dimension and association of criminality stick. In politics, the topic of migration is handled with the labels of “illegal” and “legal”. Furthermore, there is also a frequent use of the term “bogus” and “irregular migration”; within the former prime minister of Britain, Boris Johnson’s, speech we hear this terminology along with phrases like “These vile people smugglers are abusing the vulnerable” (Gov.co.uk, 2022) said with hypocrisy as, after all, what is deportation if not people smuggling and what is more vulnerable than doing this against someone’s will. Since last year’s speech the new Prime Minister, Rishi Sunak, consistently remarks on the implementation of the deportation scheme and states deportations will happen “within days” and not months or years (Guardian, 2023).

Not only does the scheme impact the victim but further the hostility of marginalised individuals living in the UK. This political and media discourse generates exclusivity and racism which indirectly impacts xenophobia and racism in the UK. This intensifies the social exclusive lens of many people, encouraging support from those who hold populist ideals.

 

The Root of the Problem

The scheme alludes to solving migration issues as the UK government expects that the scheme will be a deterrent for asylum seekers coming to the UK. However, statistics show that there has been a minor change in the number of asylum seekers entering the UK since the scheme was announced (BBC, 2022). Chaloner et al. (2022) indicate that for several decades, the Home Office has consistently opted for methods that deter people from migrating and claiming asylum in the UK. Changes in the system are rarely implemented, despite presenting a rhetoric that the numbers are unmanageable. Chaloner et al. (2022) rightly categorise the government’s method as one of “disposing of” as opposed to a deterrent. Several organisations confirmed that such a scheme is unlawful and incompatible with Art. 31 (1) of the 1951 Refugee Convention, which forbids penalization of refugees for illegal entry (Höni, 2022). Despite this, in January 2023 after a long legal process, the high court upheld ruling the scheme as lawful, meaning in the coming months the plan can be actualised. Human Rights Watch (2022) also analysed that the plan would create a 2-tier refugee system through the categories of “illegal” and “legal”. Although the implementation of the scheme would make it very hard and restricted for people to claim asylum through the “legal” way, as you must be within the country to do so, the whole thing is barbaric. The only requirement to obtain refugee status should only ever be moving away from the threat of persecution or serious harm. The issue of people entering the country “unofficially” is a clear indicator of the failings of the UK government to provide safe and easy accessibility in the first place. Furthermore, the Rwanda scheme is a clear “structural, institutional or agentive process of repulsion or obstruction,” (Fischer, 2011), which will solidify a systemic exclusive nature in the future.

 

What Needs to Happen?

The scheme attributes against the needed changes within the migration system as discourse shifting is needed to able to help those in need. What is meant by discourse shifting is a change from viewing asylum-seeking with an exclusive, securitized, and hostile nature and towards being viewed as a humanitarian and social crisis. Deportations need to stop they are cruel and inhumane but also expensive and resource-consuming. A charity, Migrant Action (2021) understands that the UK needs to adopt changes that undergo research-based methods to grasp why the system is ineffective and failing so many. In addition to this, it is salient to transform these hostile environments so that within the many stages of the migration system, it is addressed as humanitarian as opposed to a legal battle. There have been numerous accounts of those who have been threatened by deportation which has severely impacted their mental health. Caato (2022), a writer for Al Jazeera, reported people having suicidal thoughts and going on hunger strikes in protest of the scheme. Campbell (2017) investigated the complexities and the faults of the UK’s migration system and concluded that it was an extremely lengthy process, involving several language tests and court hearings; any inconsistencies in paperwork may threaten the person’s chance of gaining refuge and put many at cumulative disadvantages. In addition to this, it is not uncommon for someone to get lost within the system. The mess of the migration with the addition of the scheme will catalyse a humanitarian crisis, as it will provide systematic efficiency and contribute to a harsher inside/outside dichotomy.

 

 Conclusion

The UK’s move to further perpetuate social exclusions as a securitization issue, creating a framework where there’s a ‘right’ and ‘wrong’ way to be an asylum seeker, is damaging to social exclusion in a geopolitical context as undermining international standards contributes to the ineffectiveness and protection of them when they are violated. Conclusively, the announcement has treacherously stimulated public uproar, creating a divisive showpiece that is using time and resources that could be diverted elsewhere. It alludes to solving migration issues, in contrast to getting to the root of the issue; there should be a focus on attending to these inefficient systems that are failing many people and perpetuating these issues further.

 

Bibliography

Amnesty International. 2019. Do you know the difference between a refugee and an asylum seeker? The most common refugee terminology explained. 24 January. Available from: What’s the difference between a refugee and an asylum seeker? (amnesty.org.au)

BBC, 2022. What is the UK’s plan to send asylum seekers to Rwanda? Available from: What is the UK’s plan to send asylum seekers to Rwanda? – BBC News

Caato, Mohamed Bashir. 2022. Al Jazeera. ‘I’ll take my life’: UK refugees being deported to Rwanda despair. Available from: ‘I’ll take my life’: UK refugees being deported to Rwanda despair | Refugees News | Al Jazeera

Campbell, J. 2017. Bureaucracy, Law, and Dystopia in the United Kingdom’s Asylum System. Routledge: London

Chaloner, J. Baggaley, R. Ryan, B. Nellums, L. 2022. Deter or dispose? A critique of the relocation of asylum applicants to Rwanda and its public health implications. Regional Health, 18 100442.

Gov.co.uk. 2022. PM speech on action to tackle illegal migration: 14 April 2022. Available from: PM speech on action to tackle illegal migration: 14 April 2022 – GOV.UK (www.gov.uk)

Guardian. 2023. Rishi Sunak says people arriving in UK illegally will be deported ‘within days by Jessica Elgot and Rajeev Syal. 2 February. Available from: Rishi Sunak says people arriving in UK illegally will be deported ‘within days’ | Immigration and asylum | The Guardian

Höni, J. 2022 Out of Sight, out of Mind?: Why the UK-Rwanda Deal on Offshore Migration Processing May (Not) Serve as an Example for Other Immigration-Skeptic States in the Global North, Völkerrechtsblog.

Migrant Action. 2022. WHAT WE DO. Available from: Migrant Action

Munster, R V. 2012. The concept of Securitization. Oxford Bibliographies. Available from: Securitization – International Relations – Oxford Bibliographies

Sky. 2022. What is the Rwanda deportation scheme and why is it controversial? 14 June. Available from: What is the Rwanda deportation scheme and why is it controversial? – YouTube

Read Rose’s second blog post here.

written by Dorcus Asiimwe

 

The story of my journey from Uganda to Finland started in December 2021 when I received the link for the application to the Master’s program from a friend. In January I started filling out the online application and submitted it within the application time. I mostly want to share about the process I went through after receiving the amazing news of being admitted up to my arrival in Finland and how life has been until now.

 

I received my admission to the program on the 1^st of April. Soon after I received admission, my next step was applying for a Finland Residence Permit. I choose to apply online because it is most recommended. Since Finland has no Embassy in Uganda I had to visit Kenya to prove my identity and have an interview. Amongst the requirements when applying for my sake were having a valid passport and not less than 6720 Euros in my bank account to ensure I have enough money for my living expenses throughout the first year of my study.

 

By 4^th April 2022, all previous Uganda passports became invalid and everyone who needed to travel from Uganda had to apply for and pay for a new E-passport. I started applying for the new passport in February and I had my first interview appointment on the 6^th of April, after this, it should take about 2 weeks to have your passport printed, which timewise was perfect for me having gotten the admission letter a week prior.

 

My anticipation was not right though it instead turned out to be the worst experience throughout the process. The first issue was I could only complete the interview by speaking in my tribal language because I cannot yet speak it fluently. This led to me having to appear at the Ministry of internal affairs four times. It is a hustle getting the appointment but more traumatizing to understand you can be denied a passport on grounds of not being able to fluently speak a language. For the last interview, I went with my auntie who spoke the language on my behalf, which was the only way for me to pass the interview. The excitement was for a short time though because it was then officially announced that there was a shortage of passport printing papers in Uganda. Hence, only people who were going to travel under emergency circumstances could get their passports printed. In such a desperate situation, I consulted a lot of people and went to different offices for help, doing everything possible with no progress but finally, I connected to the right office where I got help and I had my passport.

 

Consequently, I was running late with booking an appointment at the Finnish Embassy in Kenya, therefore I was advised to book a primetime appointment, which I did and choose a day I preferred. This primetime appointment has a fee but it is worth trying, to avoid delays and to guarantee an appointment at the embassy. My friend was kind enough to financially sponsor me in this regard. Within one week I got a positive decision and in another week my Residence Permit Card was ready to be picked up. Now all I had to do was board my flight in Uganda and fly to Helsinki, Finland and then continue my journey to the city of Turku, my destination.

 

Throughout this process, I relied on the support of students who had gone or were going through the same process and followed all the platforms by the University for advice and clarity.

 

I arrived in Finland on the 4^th of August and got first-class treatment from my friend and her family who hosted me for a week and gave me the best orientation until I went to my own apartment. Now I am happily studying and enjoying Finland.

 

Written by Johanna Poggemann

 

When reading up on Finland’s global rankings, one comes across a lot of positive reports: It is supposed to be the most stable (The Global Economy 2021) and the freest country in the world alongside Sweden and Norway (Freedom House 2021) while also having the best education and life satisfaction (OECD 2021). Overall, it is said to be the happiest country in the world (World Happiness Report 2021). Yet, looking deeper, Finland also reports some of the highest depression cases worldwide (WHO 2017).

 

I have always wondered about this distinct discrepancy. How can one country top the rankings both for happiness and depression? And how does this affect its people?

 

Being diagnosed with depression can have several impacts, not only on an individual’s own life but also on their social environment and even the country’s economy. One factor that has not been researched enough in the domain of mental illness in Finland is that of social exclusion. Hence, questions arise: What notions of social exclusion can be found in the exclusion of the depressed in Finland?  How are depressed people excluded from Finnish society and what concept of social exclusion can be used to grasp what is happening?

 

This was the goal for a paper I have written in my “Social Exclusion” class, building on the works of Ruth Levitas (2005), Hilary Silver (1994) and Amartya Sen (2000).  Here, I would now like to present an excerpt of my findings, focusing solely on the analysis of the social exclusion of the depressed in Finland through the lens of Sen’s work. I have chosen Sen because, in my paper, his theory proved to be the most fruitful for this goal.

 

Definition of Social Exclusion

Amartya (2000) is an Indian economist and philosopher who has made contributions to several fields of study. In his works, he connects social exclusion to a specific term – capability deprivation. The capability deprivation approach is multidimensional and defined by its focus on the moral significance of individuals’ “distinct capabilities and functioning that [they] have reason to value” (ibid.: 4). In other words, it is a normative approach that concentrates on the actual capability of persons to achieve their well-being rather than their mere freedom or right to do so. One aspect which can be seen as an example of how capability deprivation takes the form of social exclusion is “being able to appear in public without shame” (ibid.: 4). This corresponds to the significance of participating in community life and living a social life. Focusing primarily on poverty, Sen emphasises that social deprivation/the inability to interact freely with others is an important implication for social exclusion. Another aspect is employment. According to Sen, being excluded from the opportunity of employment may lead to economic impoverishment which, in turn, may lead to other deprivations such as homelessness or undernourishment (ibid.: 5). As a result, social exclusion can be seen as both a part of capability deprivation and a cause of different capability failures (ibid.).

 

Depression in Finland

Finland has the highest estimated incidence of mental disorders in the EU (close to one in five) (OECD 2020). The most common mental disorders, anxiety, and depression, affect above 7% of Finns. While these can affect people for a couple of weeks or months, they can also last a lifetime (ibid.). Finland also places 9^th worldwide among countries with the highest depression rates (World Population Review 2021). While the prevalence of mental illnesses appears to have remained mostly stable in Finland over the past 30 years (Pulkki-Råback et al. 2012), socio-economic health differences have increased and are larger than in many other European countries. Correspondingly, mental disorders currently constitute the number one cause of early retirement. Particularly depression poses a more serious threat to the economy and working life than any other disease group (ibid.), which also has serious social/societal implications.

 

Notions of Social Exclusion of Depressed People in Finland

When looking at the relationship between social exclusion and depression, it is firstly important to mention links that have already been identified in earlier research. With this in mind, mental illness as a whole is a rather particular case in social exclusion research because it is both a basis and a result of social exclusion. Thus, the relationship between social exclusion and depression can be described as reciprocal: Depression can lead to social exclusion through a lack of financial resources, low self-esteem, loss of social interactions or stigma connected to the disease (Payne 2013). In turn, poverty and social exclusion can also result in an increased risk of depression (ibid.).

 

Economy and Poverty

In line with Sen’s definition, the economy with its components is an important factor to consider for the social exclusion of depression in Finland. Finland has also been found to have one of the strongest income gradients in health and low income was found to correlate with depression in the working-age population (Pulkki-Råback et al. 2012). Economic inequalities start to appear already in early adulthood, hence, much earlier than in other Scandinavian countries (Huijts, Eikemo, & Skalická 2010). Also, while poverty in Finland is not likely to be a topic of satisfying basic needs, low income is still associated with adversities in daily life. Hence, statistically, low-income households “perceive more threats in the neighbourhood, have poorer living conditions, feel disconnected from the community and perceive low control at work” (Pulkki-Råback et al. 2012: 331). Regarding exclusion from the labour market, several Finnish studies point to a link between unemployment and mental illness (Liimatainen 2000: 7). In relation, somatic diseases, mental illness, and suicide were found to be more common among the unemployed in Finland (ibid.), showcasing again that unemployment can be both the cause and effect of mental illness. This can be seen in accordance with Sen’s capability deprivation as one form of exclusion can ultimately lead to another.

 

In addition, another group of social actors could also be found to be economically excluded from paid work: adolescents. According to a birth cohort study of people born in Finland in 1987, adolescents who had received a mental illness diagnosis in the past were often excluded from the labour market as well as from education as young adults (Science Daily 2021; University of Turku 2021). Lastly, the increase in sickness absence due to depression is another factor that connects exclusion from paid work with mental illness in Finland (Blomgren & Perhoniemi 2021).

 

Society

Yet, the act of being absent from work does not only correspond to economic exclusion, but it also has social implications. Depressed people do not only choose to be absent from work because of their symptoms, but also due to fear of being stigmatised for it (ibid.). Sen even specifically speaks about the freedom to live non impoverished lives as a way of “being able to appear in public without shame” (Sen 2000: 4). Shame is often connected to stigma[1] and stigma is a prominent societal impact factor for depression in Finland. According to a Finnish study, most respondents believed that depressed people are not responsible for their illness, but for their recovery (Aromaa 2011: 7). Thus, many negative traits are attributed to depression and negative consequences are linked with disclosing the diagnosis to others. Here, gender, education and language also play a role as women, people with higher education and those with Swedish as their mother tongue were less likely to hold negative stereotypes (Aromaa 2011; Wahlbeck & Aromaa 2011). In another study, 23% of surveyed Finns said that they would not want to live next door to a mentally ill person and 47% of those who suffer from a mental illness said that they have been stigmatised because of it (Ministry of Social Affairs and Health 2020: 27). In addition, depressed people also reported being afraid of becoming stigmatised in the health care system (Aromaa 2011). Overall, these examples help to show how stigma, as a specific societal and moral factor, can lead to social exclusion. Here, the refusal to engage with depressed people is specifically relevant.

 

Conclusion

As ever so often when it comes to research, I was left with more questions than answers after finishing my paper. There are still several factors that could/should be looked at when trying to grasp the role of social exclusion in Finland’s discrepancy between happiness and depression. : How are the power structures between the included and the excluded? Who has access to care, who makes that decision and what restrictions are there? How is the situation for non-Finnish speakers, immigrants, or asylum-seekers in Finland (cf. The Nomad Today 2019), youth (cf. Wrede-Jantti 2017) and women in comparison to men (cf. Pulkki-Råback et al. 2012)?

 

Considering the social exclusion of the depressed within a more group-specific focus would also allow to emphasise as well as assess the multidimensional aspect of social exclusion more. Hence, my paper as well as this blog post only serve as a first glance into the field of tension between social exclusion and depression in Finland – encouraging everyone to contribute to the research.

 

Bibliography 

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Finland. National Institute for Health and Welfare (THL). Research 69, Helsinki, Finland 2011. Viewed 30 October 2021, https://www.julkari.fi/bitstream/handle/10024/79867/6dfaa7bd-b631-48fd-9b42-67a26c57d3fc.pdf?sequence=1.

Blomgren, J., & Perhoniemi, R. (2021): Increase in sickness absence due to mental disorders in

Finland: trends by gender, age and diagnostic group in 2005–2019. Scandinavian Journal of Public Health. DOI: 10.1177/1403494821993705.

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https://freedomhouse.org/countries/freedom-world/scores?sort=asc&order=Total%20Score%20and%20Status.

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countries: examining the role of education, occupational class, and age. Soc Sci Med, vol. 71, pp. 1964–1972.

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Palgrave Macmillan, London. DOI: 10.1057/9780230511552_2.

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Programme for Suicide Prevention 2020-2030. Ministry of Social Affairs and Health, Helsinki. Viewed 20 October 2021, https://julkaisut.valtioneuvosto.fi/bitstream/handle/10024/162234/STM_2020_15.pdf.

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[1] “Stigma is common toward persons with mental health problems and can be defined as a label that sets a person apart from others, links her or him with undesirable characteristics and leads to avoidance by others in society” (Aromaa 2011: 7). It is highly based on societal norms as well as cultural expectation of what is considered “normal” behaviour (ibid.).