Written by Tinka Harvard

‘Our traditions says thirty-six times you shall welcome the stranger.’

—Danny Schild, founder of Canadians Helping
Asylum Seekers in Israel (CHAI)

The nation of Israel, created in response to the Jewish people’s history as refugees, is currently trying to ‘stem the tide’ of non-Jewish asylum seekers. In response to an influx of migration of refugees travelling from Sudan through Egypt into Israel, the country has built a wall along the border separating them from Egypt. Although the nation was founded as a refuge for Jews fleeing persecution in light of the Holocaust, the nation is overwhelmed by non-Jewish asylum seekers. Officials, including former and present prime ministers, want to have non-Jewish refugees return to their own countries or a third country. As several Israelis endeavor to separate themselves from non-Jewish asylum seekers, this practice leaves the refugees vulnerable to social exclusion, along with its consequences.[i]

Social exclusion happens over time. It is not an individual occurrence. It is incremental and multifaceted. Social exclusion in a particular instance can create disconnects in many other ways. That exclusion then expands for both individuals as well as groups and communities.[ii] It also affects opportunities regarding education, employment, housing conditions, and mental and physical health. This is a social exclusion that is multidimensional and relational.[iii]

Ironically, religion can also play a role in social exclusion. As one example, some orthodox Jewish communities in Israel separate themselves from all other communities. One reason for this is that orthodox families do not want their children to attend school with non-orthodox children or to play with them. These divisions often involve no personal connections or meeting points outside of one’s own community. Non–orthodox Jewish people cannot live, work, or attend school in orthodox Jewish communities, creating an exclusion of ‘the other.’[iv]

Also, religious guidelines of separation can lead to the violation of social rights and equality, which illustrates how one’s religious beliefs can impede the civil rights of another and break, or at least create tension with, societal laws.[v] While attempting to resolve injustices resulting from religious practices and other inequalities within a nation, questions arise as to how best to attempt to eradicate inequalities in light of numerous social and political considerations that exist both within and without differing ethnic and religious communities.[vi]

Diversity, as it relates to religion, is counter to Israel’s goals.[vii] Presently, in the case of non-Jewish asylum seekers, social exclusion entails likely expulsion from Israel. It also includes socially excluding the refugees while they live in Israel, creating economic instability for them and forcing them to attend separate schools and live apart from the dominant society in segregated housing. Israel’s treatment of non-Jewish asylum seekers has disturbed many Jewish people nationally and internationally, including the former Canadian ambassador to Israel.[viii]

 

‘Jews have been persecuted people their whole existence, while Israel was never perfect, the Israel I grew up with was going to be the land of Jewish people with Jewish people’s values, which were to recognize what we suffered through and ensure that other people didn’t go through that.’

—Jon Allen, former Canadian Ambassador to Israel[ix]

Israel’s goal to have the non-Jewish migrants return to their own countries or to a third country is being met with resistance by faith-based organizations, including Jewish and Christian and private individuals and groups, both secular and nonsecular. These groups and individuals are against separation, social exclusion, social injustice, and its effects. They sponsor asylum seekers to resettle them in third countries. The desire is for the asylum seekers to be able to live safe and free from social injustice and exclusion so that they can live and experience deep equality in their daily lives.[x]

 

Resources for Helping to Welcome Migrants and Asylum Seekers

Upon hearing of a crisis somewhere in the world, have you ever wondered how best to inform yourself, get involved, and help? Many reputable organizations can serve as an entry point.

Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS) is an organization that represents asylum seekers in Israel. In July 2017, the organization sent a petition to the Israeli High Court asking the state to grant visas to Sudanese asylum seekers. This was due to the state not processing the asylum seekers’ claims requests for refugee status for years. The reason the court granted the requests for visas is believed to be due to persistent pressure from HIAS. The Israeli interior ministry complied with the court ruling granting temporary residence status to more than two thousand asylum seekers in 2022. Even with the optimistic ruling, all remains precarious for many asylum seekers. What the future holds for them in the long-term remains uncertain, and questions endure. HIAS is committed to standing with asylum seekers for the long haul.[xi]

‘This is great news for our clients, who have been in Israel without basic rights for over a decade.’

—Nimrod Avigal, deputy director and head of legal aid at HIAS Israel[xii]

In Canada, the Private Sponsorship of Refugees (PSR) program serves as a model for helping to provide physical and emotional safety and security for migrants and asylum seekers. Through this program, ordinary citizens can join or form groups to sponsor refugees abroad. The work of social justice and diminishing social exclusion can seem immense. Still, with the help of programs like PSR, anyone can make an extraordinary impact on the lives of refugees.[xiii]

Outside of Canada and Israel, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), also known as United Nations Refugee Agency, is a global organization dedicated to protecting the rights of refugees around the world. The UNHCR is an excellent starting point to get involved.[xiv] Because in the end, “an immigrant is just someone who used to be somewhere else”.[xv]

 

References

[i].     Dina Kraft and Sara Miller Llana. ‘Denied Asylum in Israel, Eritreans Are Welcomed by Canadian Jews.’ The Christian Science Monitor, 21 January 2022. https://www.csmonitor.com/World/2022/0121/Denied-asylum-in-Israel-Eritreans-are-welcomed-by-Canadian-Jews.

[ii].    Hilary Silver. ‘The Process of Social Exclusion: The Dynamics of an Evolving Concept.’ London: Chronic Poverty Research Center, 1 October 2007, p. i. https://ssrn.com/abstract=1087789 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1087789.

[iii].   Marie Macey and Alan Carling. Ethnic, Racial and Religious Inequalities: The Perils of Subjectivity. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011, p. 38.

[iv].   Pew Research Center. ‘Israel’s Religiously Divided Society.’ Youtube, 16 October 2016 (video). https://youtu.be/vCH0uecc4dY.

[v].    Adam Liptak. ‘In Narrow Decision, Supreme Court Sides with Baker Who Turned Away Gay Couple.’ The New York Times, 4 June 2018. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/04/us/politics/supreme-court-sides-with-baker-who-turned-away-gay-couple.html.

[vi].   Macey and Carling, p. 37.

[vii].  Kraft and Miller Llana.

[viii]. Ibid.

[ix].   Ibid.

[x].    Ibid.

[xi].   Sharon Samber. ‘Finally Some Good News for Sudanese Asylum Seekers in Israel,’ HIAS Blog, 13 January 2022. https://www.hias.org/blog/finally-some-good-news-sudanese-asylum-seekers-israel.

[xii].  Ibid.

[xiii]. Government of Canada, Private Sponsorship of Refugees (PSR) program. https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/services/refugees/help-outside-canada/private-sponsorship-program.html.

[xiv]. United Nations High Commission for Refugees. https://www.unhcr.org.

[xv].  Russell Brand. Messiah Complex. Epix, 2013 (video). https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=joyrLi0Rjck.

Written by Tinka Harvard

A worker at a construction site along Israel’s 150-mile long fence on the Egyptian Sinai border was completed in 2013. (Photo credit: Ahmad Gharabli)[I]

 

Hourglass (a literal translation of the Hebrew ‘שְׁעוֹן הַחוֹל,’ or ‘sand clock’) is the name of the project that refers to a fence built by Israel along its border with Egypt to decrease the influx of asylum seekers from Sudan and Darfur.[i] Migrants are often individuals and communities fleeing conflict and fragility in their home countries and seeking refuge and safety from violence or economic poverty.[ii]

Fragility and conflict create a continuum of reasons people leave their country of origin, voluntarily or involuntarily, including national or international war, unstable government, environmental disasters, economic instability, and terror.[iii] Fragile states contributed 18 million migrants and 8 million refugees in 2000.[iv] By mid-2020, the global refugee population had reached 26.3 million.[v]

 

When people are able to migrate, where do they go?

About half of the world’s migrants travel to high-income countries that are members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Seeking refuge in Israel provides safety from extreme violence and an opportunity for economic betterment. It can also be a bridge to eventually entering Europe, which provides even more prospects for safety and freedom from poverty.[vi]

 

What is the conflict and fragility about
for migrants travelling to Israel?

Migrants and refugees from Sudan, in particular, migrate or flee because of government destabilization and economic collapse, which are results of the on-and-off civil wars since 1955. This has forced millions of Sudanese to leave the country, often crossing into Israel by land via Egypt to seek asylum. They are forcibly displaced by war and other factors, including the civil war between the predominantly Muslim north and the rebels from the south, where people are mostly Christian or follow traditional African religions.[vii]

Since social exclusion is a process that ‘at any one time, people are situated on a multidimensional continuum,’ being excluded socially in one instance often creates a disconnect in many other ways. That exclusion then expands for both individuals as well as groups and communities.[viii]

Religion can bring people together, but, ironically, it is often used to keep them separated. This separation by religion—or positioning of one religion over another—has been used by Western cultures to gain control of people.[ix] To aid in this control, Western Christianity was not eliminated but rather absorbed by the state, reducing ecclesiastical power, all while creating a myth that the Western religion of Christianity was a ‘better’ religion. This meant that ‘non-Western’ religions were ‘othered’ and deemed inferior. This created a separation of people as well, not only in faith traditions, which translated to non-Western people being considered ‘violent, subrational, sub modern,’ and even sexist.[x]

 

How do we begin to eliminate the borders between us?

As myths have been propagated about Western Christianity being superior to other religions—which demonized, othered, and divided people and nations—it begs the question: What existed before the myths that one religion or group of people was better than the other religions or groups? What existed before borders were created? What existed before the West created its own separations? Guidance from Elie Wiesel, writing in The Gates of the Forest, may lend a helping hand in pointing toward answers to these questions. In this novel, he writes about the importance of telling our stories when we are trying to find our way back together again, sans separation and borders between each of us:

Then it fell to Rabbi Israel of Rizhyn

To overcome misfortune.

Sitting in his armchair, his head in his hands,

He spoke to God: ‘I am unable to light the fire

And I do not know the prayer;

I cannot even find the place in the forest.

All I can do is to tell the story,

And this must be sufficient.’

And it was sufficient.[xi]

Theologian John Swinton wants to foster inclusion and eliminate social exclusion and its devastating consequences. In a podcast interview of Swinton by host Sarah Kife, he calls for lifting the voices that have been repressed and stigmatized as we flesh out ways for us all to be fully human in the marvel of diversity.[xii]

Swinton encourages us all to be present and to listen to one another on this journey of being fully human. As the host, Kife reminds us, ‘we need each other to remember who we are, especially in times of crises, and how to find one’s voice in a world that can stigmatize and oppress people simply for being “different.”’[xiii] Swinton’s and Kife’s ideas go a long way toward the inclusion of ‘the stranger’ and help to counter Israel’s current stance of classifying non-Jewish asylum seekers as ‘infiltrators, posing a danger to the Jewish character of Israel.’[xiv]

 

There Is Hope for the Future and an Invitation to Get Involved

‘Closed borders are one of the world’s greatest moral failings, but the opening of borders is the world’s greatest economic opportunity.’

—Alex Tabarrok[xv]

There are several ways to assist in decreasing social exclusion with the hope of eliminating it. One argument for open borders is that it is economically beneficial because new immigrants often either possess talent and skills sought after by the host country or are willing to take on work that citizens are no longer interested in doing. Open borders are also morally just since freedom of movement is a fundamental human right.[xvi] Existing efforts to help migrants and asylum seekers in different parts of the world range from a mission of love to direct action. For example, Border Angels, an organization whose motto is ‘love has no borders,’ promotes a culture of love in their activism to defend the rights of migrants and refugees.[xvii] Also, activists in Poland have used brute force to remove a barbed-wire border fence constructed by the Polish government to prevent migrants from crossing into Poland from Belarus.[xviii]

There are many ways to get involved and make a difference. Support of existing organizations and movements is one way, and many are active on social media and can be found with careful research. But new ideas to help in the efforts toward decreasing marginalization and social exclusion are needed. No act of help goes wasted. It can all be used for the good. Begin where you are.

 

References

[I].     Noga Tarnopolsky. ‘Israel Built a New Border Wall to Prevent Migrants from “Smuggling in Terror,”’ TheWorld, December 5, 2013. https://theworld.org/stories/2013-12-05/israel-built-new-border-wall-prevent-migrants-smuggling-terror.

[i].     Bina Engineering&Management Ltd. ‘Israel-Egypt Barrier Project,’ 2016. https://www.binagroup.co.il/israel-egypt-barrier-project.

[ii].    ‘Sudan-Israel Deal Fuels Migrants’ Fears,’ BBC News, 21 December 2020. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-55333131.

[iii].   Anke Hoeffler. ‘Out of the Frying Pan into the Fire? Migration from Fragile States to Fragile States.’ OECD Development Co-operation Working Papers, No. 9. Paris: OECD Publishing, 2013, p. 6. https://doi.org/10.1787/5k49dffmjpmv-en.

[iv].   Ibid, p. 4.

[v].    OECD, ILO, IOM, and UNHCR. 2020 Annual International Migration and Forced Displacement Trends and Policies Report to the G20. Paris: OECD Publishing, 2020. https://www.oecd.org/els/mig/FINAL-2020-OECD-ILO-UNHCR-IOM-G20-report.pdf.

[vi].   Hoeffler, p. 8.

[vii].  ‘Facts & Stats,’ Frontline World, undated. https://www.pbs.org/frontlineworld/stories/sudan/facts.html.

[viii]. Hilary Silver. ‘The Process of Social Exclusion: The Dynamics of an Evolving Concept.’ London: Chronic Poverty Research Center, 1 October 2007, p. i. https://ssrn.com/abstract=1087789 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1087789.

[ix].   William T. Cavanaugh. ‘The Invention of Fanaticism,’ in Faith, Rationality and the Passions, by Sarah Coakley. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley Publishing, 2012, p. 33.

[x].    Ibid, p. 29.

[xi].   Elie Wiesel. The Gates of the Forest. New York: Schocken Books, 1996.

[xii].  ‘Sanctuary: Mental Health Ministries.’ Sarah Kift podcast, episode 1, with John Swinton, 30 January 2020. https://www.sanctuarymentalhealth.org/2020/01/29/john-swinton/.

[xiii]. Ibid.

[xiv]. Dina Kraft and Sara Miller Llana. ‘Denied Asylum in Israel, Eritreans Are Welcomed by Canadian Jews.’ The Christian Science Monitor, 21 January 2022. https://www.csmonitor.com/World/2022/0121/Denied-asylum-in-Israel-Eritreans-are-welcomed-by-Canadian-Jews.

[xv].  Alex Tabarrok. ‘The Case for Getting Rid of Borders—Completely,’ The Atlantic, 10 October 2015. https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2015/10/get-rid-borders-completely/409501/.

[xvi]. Ibid.

[xvii].                  Border Angels website. https://www.borderangels.org/.

[xviii].                 Daniel Tilles. ‘Activists Detained in Poland for Trying to Remove Fence on Belarus Border Amid Migrant Surge,’ Notes from Poland, 30 August 2021. https://notesfrompoland.com/2021/08/30/activists-detained-in-poland-for-trying-to-remove-fence-on-belarus-border-amid-migrant-surge/.

WRITTEN BY Pemphero Banda

 

Despite ICBT enabling small‐scale entrepreneurs to escape poverty and meet the education, housing, and other basic needs, it continues to be an agent for the exclusion of women in major cross-border locations within the southern Africa development community (SADC) where women account for a high percentage of informal traders[1].

 

How does the physical border exclude both men and women?  

With estimates suggesting that more than 95 percent of the trade activities in Africa are undertaken through unofficial trading systems like ICBT[2], these unofficial systems expose both genders to exclusion from fully enjoying the benefits of the sector. With payments of unofficial fees at the physical borders being expected of every informal trader, with little to no access to information many traders end up paying more at the request of corrupt officials which in the end heavily impacts how much profit they make.

 

How the physical border fuels the exclusion of women in the ICBT sector

Despite this physical border and ICBT excluding both genders, it is also seen to create a conducive environment where the ideological border between men and women is thriving. There is a visible difference in the treatment of women in relation to their male counterparts which reveals how socially excluded women are in this industry. Unlike male traders, women involved in the informal cross-border trade, are heavily exposed to unduly exploitation and this discourages some to participate in the sector fully and freely. Women are stopped for check-in numerous times before reaching their markets and are further intimidated to pay trade taxes for their goods, systems that were previously abolished. Outside of the physical border, like in Zimbabwe and Malawi, statistics show that there are more women in the informal trade sector in South Africa than men, however, the South African Informal Traders Association said while this was true, components of the trade were still controlled by men[3].

 

Women continue to find themselves at the mercy of their male counterparts. Instances are present where women have no choice but to use another man to either collect their merchandise or negotiate deals with officials simply because they are considered as not being qualified and capable enough to handle such situations.

 

Moving forward

Seeing how informal Cross Border Trade employs almost 20 to 75 percent of the labor force in most African countries it is safe to say that the industry has important implications for employment and income generation for traders. It can therefore be a good idea to acknowledge and then address all the gender-specific constraints being faced by women in the sector. However, if we do not draw our focus to the ramifications of the trade and its daily operational systems, many women will continue being taken advantage of and excluded from fully and freely participating in the trade and the economic growth of their families and consequently their countries[4].

 

Many non-governmental organizations in Africa are taking up the task of putting measures to help end the financial exclusion of African women by empowering them to take up a trade and other domestic financial activities. African women engaging in informal and small-scale cross-border trade stand to benefit from policy suggestions emanating from organizations like UNCTAD’s Borderline project. “Borderline” project equips women with information on trade procedures, helping them reduce business costs and expand their opportunities[5].

 

References

1. Women in informal cross-border trade in sub-Saharan Africa: an untapped potential to feed, integrate and industrialize Africa. 29 May 2019. African Development bank group.
2. Panavello, S. (2010). Working across borders- harnessing the potential of cross-border activities to improve livelihood security in the horn of Africa drylands. HPG policy brief 41. ODI: London.
3. Kubheka, A. ‘Are there women in the informal trade sector.’ Daily News. August 15, 2018.
4. Njiwa, D. (2010) Informal cross-border trade challenges and opportunities: A case of COMESA and its STR implementing borders.
5. Informal cross-border trade for empowerment of women, economic development and regional integration in Eastern and Southern Africa | UNCTAD

WRITTEN BY Pemphero Banda

 

Informal cross-border trading commonly known as ICBT is a trade between neighboring countries, usually informal and typically conducted by vulnerable, unregistered, unqualified traders who deal with a diverse yet small stock of merchandise[1]. Many African countries have seen the growth of ICBT in the last 2 decades. Over the years, this trade has proven to be a vital source of employment and livelihood for low-income and low-skilled individuals, in border districts as estimates suggest that more than 95 percent of the trade activities in Africa are undertaken through such unofficial trading systems as ICBT[2].

 

Some of the factors that motivate both men and women to join informal cross-border trading include but are not limited to economic constraints and unemployment. It has been shown that many people opt to join the trade because it does not require huge capital upfront. Traders are able to access the capital through their own personal savings, or funds borrowed from close family or friends[3]. However, I will be naive If I do not acknowledge how the absence of registration of ICBT removes the opportunity for those involved in the trade to access loans from banks and other financial institutions to help boost their business.

 

Over the years, we have witnessed the importance of ICBT for both individuals, their communities, and governments. The first is that the traders provide consumers with cheaper alternatives to products found in the local formal market. Secondly, ICBT traders are heavily contributing to the economy of African countries in a number of ways namely:

• ICBT traders use profits made from the trade to feed their families and educate their children, which would have been a struggle to achieve without their involvement in the industry.
• ICBT traders contribute heavily to their country’s economy through job creation. In Zimbabwe, for instance, 37% of traders employ other people whose time they compensate for.
• Since ICBT traders must travel to their neighboring countries, commonly using road channels, they help transport companies/ bus companies make money through their travels.
• ICBT traders contribute to their economy through Value added tax (VAT) that they are expected to pay on every item they purchase for resale[4].

 

It brings so much hope to see the significance of informal cross-border trade for a nation’s food security, poverty alleviation, employment, and income creation for rural populations who would otherwise suffer from financial social exclusion. For an industry that has such an impact, it is imperative that we take time to understand the tenets of the trade to make sure that everyone capable of contributing to the industry should freely participate in it.

 

 References

1. Minde,J & Nankhumwa, T, (1998). Unrecorded cross-border trade between Malawi and neighbouring countries. AMEX International, Inc.
2. Pavanello, S. (2010). Working across borders- harnessing the potential of cross-border Activities to improve livelihood security in the horn of Africa drylands. HPG Policy Brief 41. ODI: London
3. Crush, J. (2017). Informal entrepreneurship and cross-border trade between Zimbabwe and South Africa. SAMP migration policy series No. 74
4. Ibid

WRITTEN BY Emilia Liesmäki

 

Non-affirmed relationships as a barrier to identity

This blog picks up where the previous blog left off, the importance of decision-making power, how much of it there is or has been, and its role in shaping the social identity of a minority group.

 

The Finnish state can be blamed because Sámi’s sense of sameness has not been able to develop in the same way as one of the self-governing provinces of the Åland Islands. This is the result of a long history. Suvi Keskinen has studied the involvement of the Finns and Finland in colonial/racial histories, which she notices to have been connected to the modern state- and nation-building processes, which created “Others” of the indigenous and minority populations, who were perceived as biologically and/or culturally inferior. Consequently, the colonization of Sámi lands, discourses of racial/cultural Otherness, and strong assimilation policies have been the silenced underside of the modernization process in Finland. [1] This blog focuses on the assumed consequences of cutting Sámi’s relationship to their lands not only concretely but also metaphorically and thus psychologically. Rauna Kuokkanen clarifies the worldview of the Sámi and explains that traditional Sami perception of the world postulates that the land is a physical and spiritual entity. More closely, as human survival depends on the balance and renewal of the land, the central principles in this understanding are sustainable use of and respect for the land and láhi, the earth’s abundance given to human beings if the relationships are well maintained. [2] In the year 2021, Finland has still not ratified the international ILO convention affirming the rights of the Sámi. The state’s actions irreversibly destroyed Sámi culture, and the state has still not been able to take responsibility for its human rights violations and other injustices. Sadly, the destructive spirit continues as Finland’s current Sámi policy systematically restricts the practice of traditional Sámi livelihoods, such as reindeer husbandry and fishing. [3] If we think of this from the geographical perspective to social exclusion, it is good to understand that even if Finland ratified ILO Convention 169, the state would not hand over land to the Sámi. However, the Sámi would have decision-making power, which would be reasonable. [4] Decision-making power could, however, contribute to the integrity of the Sámi social identity. Tiina Sanila-Aikio notes that the link with her people, culture, and language environment is practically being severed in their lifetime in Finland, which is by many standards one of the richest and best countries in the world. The Sámi live still today with a concern for the future. Moreover, in sparsely populated areas, the service system is also fragile, for example, related to mental health services. [5] It can be considered that the Sámi issues have reached an impasse. Until the ILO Convention is finally ratified, there will be a minor change in the autonomy of the Sámi and thus no development of social identity in the desired way. Toivanen quotes Bud Khleif to introduce the concept of “minoritised”, which he uses to illustrate that no one chooses to have less power. Here, nobody wants to belong to a minority if there are chances to have a position with more power. [6]  This leads us to ask who is responsible for making someone a minority. In the case of the Sámi, The Finnish state has to ensure that its minorities have equal possibilities to strengthen their social identity.

 

Full sail ahead – social identity further strengthens the autonomy.

Åland tourism company sells Åland with the phrase “Experience the Sea like an Ålander, with a guide who knows the local waters and can tell you about fishing, the sea and its importance in Åland.”[7] BBC, in turn, describes the autonomy as follows “Surrounded by sea and forest, the 6,700 islands of Åland are idyllic, but Åland’s peacefulness runs deeper than its setting.” Both above establish the ground for the identity of the Ålanders, which is strongly linked to the land already by location. As noted in the first blog, the location and the successful autonomy model have made the Åland Islands an example of a potential solution to the conflict, but this has required the Ålanders to be flexible. In the BBC article, Ålandic perspectives were brought to the fore through interviews. In one of them, it is noticed that the Islanders must accept the duality of needing a measure of self-sufficiency while also being dependent on the lands surrounding them, which makes them more ready to accept compromise. In relation to the sea, another interview pointed out that there is found a certain amount of accountability in Åland that encourages positive social behavior, especially related to climate change and preserving nature. [8] Therefore, the Ålander’s deep relationship with the land further strengthens their social identity. They do not have to recall against the state for their rights related to the land, but, as a united group, focus on protecting the land and that it remains just as important for future generations. Also, the territory and the unique situation have brought prosperity to Åland. In the past, Åland was a poor region, but shipping has provided livelihood and economic benefits for its inhabitants. [9]  In contrast to the Sámi, all the above has undoubtedly only strengthened the social identity of the Ålanders as a minority group. The shaping of Ålanders identity is described in Julia Koivus’s thesis that relates to an individual’s identity that is strongly related to the surrounding culture. Identity means identification with the surrounding culture and its traditions. The influence of the surrounding culture on the individual’s identity can be considered particularly strong in a small island community like Åland. The population is small, which means that people often know each other in Åland. The island community is close to the water, and nature is close to the sea. [10] If Åland were like any other Finnish province, it would not even have its hospital, just a health center. Åland has created its structures and solutions to maintain its level of service. [9]

 

The blog shows that functional autonomy in Åland has succeeded in uniting its inhabitants as a minority. Ålanders have sufficient decision-making power and as seen above, strong self-government is actually a significant part of their identity. On the other hand, it can be noted that the social identity of the Sámi will not be able to improve if they remain “minoritised”. Inequality will persist and a sense of belonging will not flourish as long as the Sámi are forced to remind of their rights. In analyzing autonomous regions, it is important to identify what kind of self-governance is at stake, given the multiple aspects of social exclusion.

 

For those more interested, I recommend reading Markku Suksi’s extensive research on autonomy arrangements in the world.

 

REFERENCES:

[1] Keskinen, S. (2019). Intra-Nordic Differences, Colonial/Racial Histories, and National Narratives: Rewriting Finnish History. Scandinavian studies, 91(12), 163-181.

[2] Kuokkanen, R. (2005). Láhi and Attáldat: The Philosophy of the Gift and Sami Education. The Australian Journal of Indigenous Education, 34, 20-32. doi:10.1017/S1326011100003938

[3] Mariya Riekkinen and Markku Suksi, “The Sámi Assembly in Finland”, Online Compendium Autonomy Arrangements in the World, November 2019, at www.worldautonomies.info.​

[4] (8.2.2017.) Suomen on aika turvata saamelaisten oikeudet. Helsingin Sanomat.

[5] Leino, P. and Varis, N. (9.11.2019.) Miksi saamelaiset aina valittaa? Yle uutiset.

[6] Lyytinen, J. (23.6.2021.) Å luokan kysymys. Helsingin Sanomat.

[7] Ålandsresor.

[8] Gardiner, K. (29.6.2021.) Surrounded by sea and forest, the 6,700 islands of Åland are idyllic, but Åland’s peacefulness runs deeper than its setting. BBC.

[9] Aitomurto, T. (5.2.2019.) Suomalaiset tietävät liian vähän saamelaisista. Helsingin Sanomat.

[10] Koivu, J. (2014.) (Svensk är jag inte, finska kan jag inte tala – så låt mig vara ålänning : en enkätstudie om åländska ungdomars identitet. Kanditaatin tutkielma. Jyväskylän Yliopisto.

 

 

 

WRITTEN BY Emilia Liesmäki

 

A Comparative study on the two autonomies

This blog describes the differences between the two self-governments in Finland. From the context of social exclusion, this blog, together with my next blog, aims to raise awareness of the unequal possibilities for social identity forming within these autonomies by examining the decision-making power of the autonomies and their relationship to their land.

 

The first blog explores the disparity between Finland’s two autonomies, geographically and related to their status as a minority group in Finland. It can be viewed that autonomy has been more favorable to the other, especially thinking of the relationship to their language. The second blog looks at these self-governments from the perspective of the inhabitants’ relationship with the land and its meaning to their social identity. The residents’ contact with the land can be seen as linked to decision-making power and, therefore, a critical factor in forming social identity in these self-governments.

 

As a mainland Finn who has moved to Åland, my position has provided an excellent vantage point for observing the local culture from the outside. The move has also made me a representative of the Finnish-speaking minority in Åland, which has broadened my understanding of the experiences of Swedish-speaking Finns. In my studies on social exclusion, I have already had time to study the Sámi people in several courses. I am particularly interested in access to mental health care for minority groups that could consider their linguistic and cultural background. These comparative blogs bring a geographical and autonomy-related perspective to the subject if I continue to explore the topic later.

 

Even if the closest comparable international examples to Åland are the Danish autonomous regions of Greenland and the Faroe Islands, the following blogs will discuss and compare Finland’s autonomies to bring light to the internal inequalities still existing in Finland. By identifying the dissimilarities, I wish to contribute to the social exclusion research in Finland. After all, Finland is perceived as a model country for democracy and human rights, as Tanja Aitomurto puts it. [1]

 

Characteristics of the autonomies and factors affecting social identity

The characteristics of Finland’s autonomies can contribute to a sense of belonging among their inhabitants and thus to a stronger sense of social identity. Finland has two different types of non-territorial self-government arrangements, acknowledged differently in structure and scope, aiming to promote the identity of two distinct minority groups: the cultural autonomy for the Sámi and the functional autonomy for Swedish speakers. [2] The self-governing province of the Åland Islands is located on the southwest coast of Finland. Åland is a demilitarized and unilingual Swedish-speaking region of Finland with over 30,000. [3] Although Swedish speakers in Finland are not considered a minority in the constitutional sense, speakers of one of the two national languages, Swedish speakers are a minority from the perspective of international human rights law. [4] This allows me to study these groups from the social exclusion perspective as minority groups and not only as autonomies of Finland. Instead, the Finnish Sámi are an officially recognized minority of Finland, the only indigenous people in the European Union. The status of the Sámi was enshrined in the Constitution in 1995. The Sámi have the right to maintain and develop their language, culture, and traditional livelihoods. There are about 10 000 Sámi in Finland. The Sámi do not share a common language because nine Sámi languages are spoken in their traditional homelands in Finland, Norway, Sweden, and Russia. [5] Sámi land can be defined as the area where there are Sámi, Sámi culture, and Sami-speaking people. Traditionally, this area stretches from central Norway and Sweden across Finnish Lapland to the Kola Peninsula.

 

Factors influencing social identity

Since the two autonomies have different dimensions, it is considered that both are surrounded by an invisible border, which in one case limits and the other reinforces the social identity formation of its inhabitants. The central idea of the social identity theory is that our identity is not only personal but also social based on our group memberships. The distinction between inner and outer groups is crucial for structuring the social world. Humans have a natural tendency to classify groups. We also tend to see our group positively, which is a very natural idea. When we identify, we produce our identity, and when we identify with a group, we value our group and our identity by comparing it to other groups.[6]  In the example of Åland, because the sea is between the land and the continent, there is almost a concrete frontier from Finland that has made Åland prosper. Whereas in the case of the Sámi, it is almost forgotten that the Sámi inhabited Fennoscandia before the Finns. [3] This imaginary border unravels the process of social identity formation. Considering language, for example, the Sámi were limited to using their language due to assimilationist policies in Finland from the mid-19th century until the 1980s. [3]  Signifying that The Sámi has not had time to develop their relationship with their language and identity for very long. While in Åland, Swedish has had a unilingual position since independence, so there is no requirement to offer services in any other language, either in Finnish. This is of great importance in terms of services, especially social- and health services. In Finland, mental health services are almost impossible for Sámi speakers. Statistics prove that many Sámi is even at the risk of death. One reason may be that help is not easily accessible, especially in the Sámi language or based on Sámi culture. The Finnish Arctic rail project is another example that shows that the Sámi issues are still marginalized. The Sámi were not consulted during the start-up phase by the Sámi Parliament. [7] This would suggest that Finland still maintains exclusionary politics. Retta Toivanen clarifies that state regulation of reindeer herding, fishing, and other activities that are part of the traditional way of life of the Sámi can also be viewed as a bit of interference in Sámi affairs. It could be seen as exclusion “through law and order, whether it is laws regulating reindeer husbandry, fishing or education”, but also as exclusion “in the social-psychological field of creating ‘the other’ against which Finnish identity could be built”. [8]

 

As for comparison, a recent article notices that the self-government has allowed Åland to flourish; it has let Åland develop in peace on its terms. Furthermore, Ålands autonomy acts as a framework to activate and mobilize residents and create new cooperation and organization forms. The autonomy that has existed since 1920/1922 has its law-making powers. [1] In 2019, the healthiest Finns lived in Åland and the coastal municipalities of Western and Southern Finland. [9] Additionally, the unemployment rate in Åland is usually around 2-4%, so the lowest in Finland has risen during the pandemic. [10] The stable position that the self-government has managed to create has undoubtedly impacted the social identity of the people. In extensive reportage on Åland by Helsingin Sanomat is noted that in a hundred years, the Ålanders have developed a solid and distinctive identity. “We are first and foremost Ålanders.” Says Mats Adamczak in the report. [11] Åland has also attracted attention with its successful autonomy model, which protects the minority. Politicians, reporters, and researchers have studied Åland’s autonomy as a potential solution even to conflicts. “Many of the armed conflicts currently underway around the globe are internal struggles in countries with some minority issue. – -. Looking for alternatives to nation-building, countries turn their eyes towards Åland, whose autonomy is perceived as a compromise between independence and total integration.” [9]

 

Decision-making power affects

I see that the Ålanders, as a minority, have not suffered from the feeling of alienation in Finland to the same extent as the Sami. The conditions have been favorable for Ålander’s social identity to be formed into a cohesive unit. They have not had to constantly expend energy defending their rights as a minority, such as getting services in their language. From the relational perspective to social exclusion, social reality results from an unequal balance of power between social groups, nation-states, and global regions, contributing to unequal goods and services. [12] Connected to this, power is viewed here as tied to Åland’s capacity to develop itself as autonomy. On the opposite, the Sámis has not had such power within its cultural autonomy because states’ ultimate decision-making limits it. Suksi notes that the Sámi Assembly has no law-making powers and almost no administrative powers.[5] According to Toivanen, those excluded from a national identity-building process and bestowed a position of being the ‘other’ in the setting of a generally accepted national unity constitute the segment called minorities. There are different kinds of minorities, and their relationship to the segment deemed the majority varies: whereas some are closer to power, others are heavily marginalized. Thus, power relations prevent each other from realizing themselves in the same way. [11]

 

Although this is a comparative study, we are beginning to see that these minorities also have something in common – namely, a connection to the land, which can be observed to mirror the development of the social identity of these self-governments. The following blog will discuss this in more detail.

 

REFERENCES:

[1] Aitomurto, T. (5.2.2019.) Suomalaiset tietävät liian vähän saamelaisista. Helsingin Sanomat.

[2] Mariya Riekkinen and Markku Suksi, “The Sámi Assembly in Finland”, Online Compendium Autonomy Arrangements in the World, November 2019, at www.worldautonomies.info.​

[3] Ministry For Foreign Affairs of Finland.

[4] Suksi, M. (2008). Functional Autonomy: The Case of Finland with Some Notes on the Basis of International Human Rights Law and Comparisons with Other Cases. International Journal on Minority & Group Rights, 15(2/3), 195–225. https://doi-org.ezproxy.vasa.abo.fi/10.1163/157181108X332604

[5] The Sámi Parliament.

[6] Matikainen, J. (2020.) Sosiaalisen identiteetin näkökulma vuorovaikutukseen. Keynote-puheenvuoro Vuorovaikutuksen tutkimuksen päivillä 18.–19.9.2020.

[7] Mikkonen, N. (25.8.2017.) Mielenterveydestä puhuminen on Suomen saamelaisille usein mahdottomuus – “Moni kokee olonsa nurkkaan ajetuksi”. Yle uutiset.

[8] Toivanen, R J 2015 , From Ignorance to Effective Inclusion: The Role of National Minorities within the Finnish Consensus Culture . in P A Kraus & P Kivisto (eds) , The Challenge of Minority Integration : Politics and Policies in the Nordic Nations . , 7 ,

[9] STT. (27.6.2019.) Kuntien väliset erot sairastavuudessa kärjistyvät – terveimmät asuvat Ahvenanmaalla.

[10] Andersson, H. (20.8.2021.) Ahvenanmaa – erilainen satavuotias. Tilastokeskus.

[11] Lyytinen, J. (23.6.2021.) Å luokan kysymys. Helsingin Sanomat.

[12] Mathieson, J., Popay, J., Enoch, E., Escorel, S., Hernandez, M., Johnston, H., & Rispel, L. (2008). Social Exclusion and Health Inequalities. In Social Exclusion: Meaning, Measurement and Experience, and Links to 6. The impact of social exclusion 40 Health