Written by Kosar Mohammad Naeemi

Everything started in late December 2019 when the COVID-19, previously known as 2019-nCOV, was first found in Wuhan, Hubei Province, China. COVID-19 was fast spread from within China’s border and to rapidly worldwide. We learned that to slow down the virus spreading, great endeavours are needed, such as social distancing and isolating the infected people, which are among the key elements. Although all these efforts were essential to control COVID-19’s spread, which has 319M infected and 5,73 deaths (2022), discrimination based on race, gender, age, etc., have happened under the shadow of COVID-19. This text aims to bring the social exclusion, discrimination, and the effect of intensified border politics to people worldwide to the surface.

Many of us have come across news where Chinese people or people of Asian descent have been the target of discrimination and social exclusion exclusively based on their race. Since the outbreak, there have been many reports worldwide, from Australia to Europe and America. There have been people of Asian descent who are being attacked whether they are on school campuses, on public transportation, or in shopping malls. Jun He, Leshui He, Wen Zhou et al. (Discrimination and Social Exclusion in the Outbreak of COVID-19, 2020) from Yunnan University conducted a global survey in February 2020 that reached 1904 Chinese residents all over the world across 70 countries. This global survey has revealed that 25,11% of these Chinese residents overseas have experienced a different form of discrimination. For instance, this discrimination has appeared in being laid off without proper cause, rejection of housing, for example, adequate and commonly reported abuses in public (Jun He, LeshuiHeetal.,2020).

Photo/Steve Senne

In the same article, it is stated that “increased social exclusion of those from areas most impacted by the virus also took place within racial and national boundaries, in china many fears contacts with people from Wuhan or Hubei Province. The stigmatization of people from Hubei is associated with the social exclusion process” (ibid). Other forms of segregation and discrimination against the people of Wuhan and the province of Hubei was also visible through the action of some hotel owner in Yunnan Province. In January 2020, hotels turned away pre-booked guests who came from Wuhan or Hubei, no matter their health conditions.

It was also reported that across mainland China, both rural and urban communities had set up checkpoints, and the goal of these checkpoints was to block all visitors from Wuhan and Hubei. There were no medical checks in these checkpoints, but it was enough that a person was from Wuhan or Hubei, and their entrance to the city was denied. Another form of segregation and discrimination against the residents of Hubei was that many local authorities in mainland China had required their residents to report to the government any physical contact with residents from Hubei Province. Also, travelling to Hubei Province had to be reported. In some parts of mainland China, any car with registration from Hubei had also been regarded as a virus carrier; this issue was that many cars were being attacked throughout the country (ibid).

The book The State Borders and Borderland Studies 2009: A historical view from the journal of borderlands studies by Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly states that Albert Brigham has argued that boundaries should provide economic equilibrium. In the case of Hubei and Wuhan residences, we can agree that the borders created within mainland China destabilized residents’ financial situation. In the case of the Wuhan and Hubei people, their discrimination was based on their residential area regardless of their health condition. Discrimination and social exclusion may often damage social outcomes, especially when facing a global pandemic.

In the case of people from Wuhan and Hubei Province, there is no visible border to separate them from the rest of China. As we have witnessed, the hard border was created for people by people and the government’s participation. Many single explanations of boundaries, borders, borderlands, and frontiers exist, but none is satisfying. It is stated that many scholars seem to agree that there are many types of boundaries, and each social science subfield has its epistemology of borders (Brunet-Jailly, 2009, p. 11). The effect of segregation and border and checkpoints for the people of Wuhan and Hubei Province has been negative. Still, as we have witnessed before in history, stigmatization of people will only bring more harm. Social stigma and border policy will likely reduce people from coming forward and asking for help. When people’s rights, recourses, and opportunities are not limited, it makes it easier for medical practitioners to contain and treat the disease at an early stage effectively. If social exclusion and discrimination continue, we might have the same extreme cases. Patients might even attempt to escape hospitals, as we have previously witnessed during the outbreak of other infectious diseases like SARS, Ebola, and HIV.

It is natural for human nature to react strongly while facing danger; in this case, the COVID-19 was the enemy. Even though the enemy is COVID-19, we sometimes forget it because it is easier to discharge our prejudice and hate toward “the others”. In the case of the Wuhan and Hubei people, we witnessed the brutal and inhuman demeanor towards them, regardless of their health condition. These actions led to discrimination and social exclusion, while those were also among the people fighting the disease. COVID-19 has increased a phenomenon called “Asian hate”. Many people with Asian backgrounds have been victims of such racist and pitiful attacks. We should learn from these incidents to not let hate and racism win. In some humans, these two strong feelings will use whatever source they need to attack people who do not resemble them. Once its source is COVID-19, and another time just the fact that someone is darker than them. No one’s ethnicity is a virus. The actual virus is narrow-minded people and those afraid of people who do not look like them.

References

Brunet-Jailly, E. (2009). The State of Borders and Borderlands Studies 2009: A Historical View andn a View from the Journal of Borderland Studies. Journal of Borderland STudies.

Des, J.;Don, C.;Sandro, G.;Melissa, T.;Susan, T.;& David, V. (2006). Stigmatization of newly emerging infectious diseases: AIDS and SARS. Am. J. Public Health.

Huang, C.;Wang, Y.;Li, X.;Ren, L.;Zhao, J.;Hu, Y.;& Cheng, Z. (ei pvm). Clinical features of patients infected with 2019 novel coronavirus in Wuhan, China. 2020: Lancet.

Pandemic, W. H.-1. (2019). Noudettu osoitteesta https://www. who.int/emergencies/diseases/novel-coronavirus-2019

Parker, R.;& Peter, A. (2003). HIV and AIDS-related stigma and discrimination: A conceptual framework and implications for action. Soc. Sci. Med.

Written by Tripura Oli

People from the Madhesi community, Source: Kathmandu Post

The scars of the Anglo – Nepal War

Historically, the discrimination against Madhesis can be traced back to the Anglo – Nepal war of 1814 -16 between Nepal and the East India Company[1]. It is believed that during the Anglo – Nepal war, some Madhesi rulers of the time took the side of the British East India company. This can be argued as the historical starting point of the structural discrimination against the Madhesi community. After that, Madhesis were perceived as a threat to national security and were prohibited from joining Nepal’s security forces.  For example, during the Rana regime[2], Madhesi had to obtain written permission to enter the Capital, Kathmandu Valley[3].

From 1960 to 1990, as part of one of nation-building, the Hill dominant higher caste group of Nepal imposed its values and norms– its language (Nepali), religion (Hindu) and culture (hill ̳high caste male) – on the Nepalese society as a whole. The languages, cultures and religions of other groups were marginalized to the extent that some languages are at risk of extinction.  This created soft borders for ethnic groups (Indigenous), religious minorities, particularly Madhesi people living in the southern plains of Nepal.  This ideological border has prevented Madhesi communities from equal access and fully participating in administration and governance, decision-making, and policy planning.[4]

Although, in the past few decades, Nepal has undergone enormous social and political changes, and the Government of Nepal has actively and aggressively launched several programs to include and integrate its marginalized and oppressed ethnic groups like the Madhesi community through quota systems in social, political and economic aspects, [5] but Madhesi community are still bearing the scars of the Anglo – Nepal war[6].  For example, Madhesi representation in the security forces of Nepal is still negligible. At the same time, Madhesis make up over 30% of Nepal’s total population. Still, their presence in Nepal Police is only 2%, in Armed Police Force Nepal 5%, and  Nepal Army 2%, which is hugely disproportionate considering their population.[7]

Incomplete Citizenship and Social Exclusion

The government’s responsibility is to ensure that all its citizens have equal access to resources and rights.  When a citizen does not have equal access to services from the government, it is incomplete citizenship.[8]  Therefore, it can be argued that Madhesis have incomplete citizenship in Nepal.

Social exclusion is a complex and multi-dimensional concept. It is both a ‘process’ and an outcome of a ‘process’ where individuals or groups are systematically isolated or prevented from participating in society, such as social, economic, and political-cultural spheres. The exclusion can be based on their gender, race, caste, ethnicity, sexual orientation, age, disabilities, language, culture, literacy, etc. As a result, the excluded may have lesser or no access to resources, legal protection and rights; thus, they may have reduced opportunities in society. [9] Therefore, social exclusion can be applied in the context of the Madhesi communities of Nepal as a section of society has difficulties in participating or exercising the same rights and access available to the dominant group of Nepal.  To fully understand the social exclusion of the Madhesi community, it is necessary to discuss multiple dimensions of Madhesi marginalization and their interrelationships.

Impact of Social Exclusion

As the Madhesi community does not share the dominant group’s culture and language, they often suffer from linguistic-based exclusion regarding “access to information and participation in the public life”.  They are excluded due to their own language’s lack of access to information. Due to the imposition of Nepali as the only language for teaching, the Madhesi people have been deprived of primary education in their mother tongue. Here, the Nepali language has become a barrier to equal access to education for Madhesi children who grow up speaking their mother tongue. As a result, a child belonging to the Madhesi community may underperform or fail in his formal education, leading to many other social exclusions in the society such as unemployment, unfavourable work conditions, lack of skills for the labour market, and subsequent poverty and ill health. [10]

Thus, there is a high possibility that an uneducated, unemployed, and in particular, a person belonging to linguistic minorities may have lower chances of coming out of poverty than the one from the dominant group.  Moreover, the recruitment policies to the armed forces and bureaucracy made it very difficult for Madhesi youth to join security forces, administration, and governance.  One of the barriers for Madhesi youth to join state organs is the requirement of Nepali language; significantly, for higher officer-level positions, proficiency in the Nepali language is a must. [11]

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[1] Basnyat, P.S. (2017). Anglo-Nepal War: A Military Review.

[2] Period from 1846–1951 when the control of the government was in the hands autocratic Rana family

[3] Goait, J.K. (2007). History of Tarai in Nepal.  Available at: https://madhesi.wordpress.com/2007/04/04/history-of-terai-in-nepal/  (Last accessed 19/032022).

[4] Singh, P. (2015). Understanding the Conflict & Inclusion issues of Madhesh. Available at: https://daayitwa.org/storage/archives/1582525302.pdf (Last accessed 20/03/2022).

[5] Gurung, O., Tamang, M.S., & Turin, M. (2014). Perspectives on social inclusion and exclusion in Nepal. Department of Sociology/Anthropology, Tribhuvan University, Nepal.

[6] Ibid

[7] Lal, C.K. (2015). Most Nepalis are Not Celebrating their New Constitution. Here’s Why. The Wire, External Affairs, South Asia.

Available at:  https://thewire.in/external-affairs/most-nepalis-are-not-celebrating-their-new-constitution-heres-why (Last accessed 20/03/2022).

[8] Rehnberg, A. (forthcoming) Australia Has Never Felt as Far Away as Now: Australians In Finland And Social Exclusion During the COVID-19 Era

[9] Levitas, R., Pantazis, C., & Gordon, D. (2006). Poverty and Social Exclusion in Britain, Bristol, The Policy Press.

Levitas, R. (2005). The inclusive society?: Social exclusion and new labour. Palgrave Macmillan UK.

Silver, H. (2007). The process of social exclusion: the dynamics of an evolving concept. Brown University Providence, Rhode Island, USA

Sen, A. (2000). Social exclusion: concept, application and scrutiny. Social Development. Asian Development Bank.

[10] Gurung, O., Tamang, M.S., & Turin, M. (2014). Perspectives on social inclusion and exclusion in Nepal. Department of Sociology/Anthropology, Tribhuvan University, Nepal.

[11] Ibid

Written by Tripura Oli

Geographic Map of Nepal, Source: researchgate.net

Outsiders Within

My childhood friends Sunny and Amar were visiting me in Kathmandu in 2007, and the three of us went out sightseeing in the beautiful Kathmandu Valley. We stopped at a roadside vendor to have some snacks and cold drinks. Sunny asked the vendor in Nepali, “Dai, tinwota coke dinus na” (Brother, three cokes, please). The vendor replied in broken Hindi, “Yeh lo sardar ji” (here you go, Sardar ji).  I noticed discomfort on both of my friend’s faces because they were again reminded of their “otherness”.

My friend Sunny is a Sikh and wears a turban on his head as a symbol of his faith, but the vendor assumed by his looks that my friend was an Indian. My friend Amar is a Hindu and does not wear a turban but still faces a similar experience because he has an accent while speaking Nepali. The commonality between all three friends is that we were all born and brought up in the Terai region (known as Madhes), but I never had to experience the “otherness” they have been all their lives.  Because I am from the dominant Nepali speaking community, whereas they are from the Awadhi speaking Madhesi community.

Who are Madhesi in Nepal?

As shown on the map above, Nepal is divided into three geographical regions – Mountain, Hill, and Plains, also known as the Terai region. Madhesi are borderland communities of southern Nepal sharing borders with India. Madhesi are the native inhabitants of the Terai (plains) region in Nepal, with a long history of origin. Yet, they are considered outsiders – Indians – due to their family and cultural affiliations across the border with India[1].  Because of this connection, the Madhesis of Nepal have been facing structural exclusion and marginalization – political, economic, and social – in Nepal for decades.

The Madhesi community comprise over two-thirds of Nepal’s total population.  It’s a diverse ethnic group as there are over five languages – Maithili, Bhojpuri, Awadhi, Urdu, Hindi – spoken in the Terai region, and Madhesi are identified by the language they speak as their mother tongue, not by the geographical location where they were born in or where they live in the country. Similarly, they constitute Hindus, Sikha, indigenous Janjati ethnic groups, other native tribes and Muslims[2].

Borders and Boundaries

Humans create borders and boundaries, and initially, they were used to delimit the territorial possessions of sovereign states.  So, borders played a crucial role in forming the nationalist agenda and developing nation-states. However, international borders cannot divide the culture (ethnicity, language, and religion)[3]. Borderland communities of southern Nepal and Northern India are the perfect examples of this unity.  However, this shared ethnicity has been the core reason for the social exclusion of Nepal’s Madhesi community, who have been treated as outsiders in their own country. Therefore, while discussing the borders, we also need to reflect on the invisible soft borders created based on language, culture, gender, and race…  in our societies and how crucial these invisible borders play in social marginalization and exclusion of certain groups over others.

Breaking the Borders

Growing up in Madhes as a Nepali-speaking girl, I was also under the impression that Madhesi people were Indian migrants in Nepal. I was never taught anything about the Madhesi people and history in school or college. Secondly, I did not see many Madhesi people in the police, army, or government offices[4]. I saw that they speak the same language as Indians across borders, share the same culture, and get married across borders.

I could relate with my Madhesi friends because I was treated as an outsider in India, where I went for my further studies based on my looks. But the case of my friends was different, as they were treated as outsiders in their own country.  Seeing my friends go through such unpleasant experiences, I became interested in understanding Madhesi people and their history in Nepal and began to do my homework.

To my surprise, I discovered that Nepali speaking hill people like my family and me were the ones who migrated to Madhes less than half a century ago, and Awadhi, Maithili, and Bhojpuri speaking people who were perceived as Indian migrants were the native people of Madhes. Still, they have been structurally marginalized due to their close cultural affiliation across the border with India and are wrongly perceived as people of Indian ethnicity[5].

In my next blog, I will discuss the history and impact of this ideological border between the state and the Madhesi community of Nepal.

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[1] Lal, C.K. (2015). Most Nepalis are Not Celebrating their New Constitution. Here’s Why. The Wire, External Affairs, South Asia.

Available at:  https://thewire.in/external-affairs/most-nepalis-are-not-celebrating-their-new-constitution-heres-why (Last accessed 20/03/2022).

[2] Singh, P. (2015). Understanding the Conflict & Inclusion issues of Madhesh. Available at: https://daayitwa.org/storage/archives/1582525302.pdf (Last accessed 20/03/2022).

[3] Brunet-Jailly, E. (2010). The State of Borders and Borderlands Studies 2009: A Historical View and a View from the Journal of Borderlands Studies (eds) Iwashita, A. & Chi, H. N. (2010), Eurasia Border Review Part I: Current Trends in Border Analysis.

[4] Ibid

[5] Ibid

Written by Johanna Zilliacus

 

In my opinion, there is no climate justice if there is no justice for indigenous people

– Mari Valjakka, Sámi pastor at Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland, in an interview by Barents Observer[1]

Photo: Expect Best / Pexels.com

Indigenous Sámi communities in Finland, Sweden and Norway, have all spoken up against green colonialism in their territories[2]. They claim that these governments’ climate action violates their rights to land, livelihoods and decision-making. Most of the opposition to green colonialism relates to wind farms built and planned in the Sámi territory (Sápmi). Further, mining projects for minerals needed for electric vehicle batteries are considered to be conducted in Sápmi. A (currently dormant) railway project crossing Finnish Sápmi[3] could also be categorised as a climate change project. They contribute to shifting our societies away from fossil fuel dependency. At the same time, these climate projects can be seen as a continuum of centuries of repressive politics of the Nordic countries on Sámi communities.[4] In this blog post, I’ll look into Finnish wind power development in Sápmi from a lens of coloniality of power and the process of bordering and continued social exclusion of Sámi peoples.

Case: wind power in Sápmi creating borders

The global climate change emergency requires quick action by nations worldwide to drastically reduce greenhouse gas emissions. One important measure is the shift towards producing renewable electricity[5]. This is also the motivator behind the several wind power projects planned and implemented across Finland, including in Sápmi, where wind conditions are good. One example of this is a project in Lapland by Smart Windpower Oy. The planned wind power farm will expand over 68 m² in the area of Ylitornio.[6] Local communities, including Sámi communities, have vehemently opposed this project.

The main reason for the local opposition is the expected negative impact on reindeer herding, a traditional livelihood of the Sámi population. Studies have shown that reindeer avoid going near wind power parks, which affects their grazing behaviour and places more pressure on the smaller amounts of land available for grazing, impacting the longer-term sustainability of those lands[7]. Another reason for the opposition is the lack of care for seidas, the holy places of Sámi[8], many of them located on the fells and hills where wind farms tend to be built. Finally, an important reason lies in past negative experiences of energy projects linked to coloniality of power and social exclusion of Sámi. Hydropower plants were built in Sápmi in the 1960s, causing the forced relocation of hundreds of Sámi in Finland, negatively affecting reindeer-based livelihoods and tearing apart language and cultural networks. These projects were developed without proper engagement and consultation of the local population[9], which can be seen as a misuse of the colonial power of the Finnish government for the extraction of natural resources in Sápmi. This past act of repression is thus clearly still a cause for the divide between Sámi communities and the Finnish government, and the wind power projects continue with this bordering process.

Political implications of the wind farm projects

Janne Hirvasvuopio, a Sámi member of the Green Party, explains that he cannot support the wind power ambitions of the Green Party as long as they imply wind power farms in Sápmi. He claims that wind power projects in Sápmi are a continuation of colonial power relations. The Finnish government uses its colonial power to extract natural resources of the Sápmi lands once again and draws parallels between the wind power projects to the disastrous hydropower projects[10]. Interestingly, the Green Party has been one of the most vocal parties in relation to Sámi’s rights, but at the same time, green colonialism is drawing borders between (green) Sámi activists and the Green Party.

On the other hand, the concept of green colonialism could also be misused for political purposes to drive the agenda of the climate change-denialist “True” Finns Party. Member of Parliament Kaisa Juuso has used it as a facade to oppose wind power projects[11], however, without acknowledging the colonial power relations between the Finnish government and the Sámi population.

Whose knowledge counts?

Another aspect of coloniality of power and social exclusion of Sámi in the form of green colonialism is the Eurocentricity of knowledge and generally approved science relating to climate change action. In line with the assumed rationality[12] of the Western forces driving modernity, technology (such as wind power) is seen as a central solution to climate change. This view completely ignores the indigenous knowledge that could provide less resource-intensive and more sustainable solutions for tackling climate change[13].

This blog post is not a stance against wind power. We need to disconnect our societies from fossil fuels as soon as possible, and renewable energy is a meaningful way forward for this. However, we need to ensure that any climate projects are designed with an understanding of the underlying power relations between the Sámi and the Finnish government, respecting the Sámi community’s knowledge as well as the right to their lands and livelihoods. Further, indigenous knowledge should become a central input for all climate change action.

This blog illustrates how a colonial past still today affects power relations. Climate change projects developed without this understanding and consideration may lead to the further social exclusion of Sámi people and the development of a more robust cultural, social and economic border between the Finnish state and Finns, and Sámi communities

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[1] Salonen, S-M. (2021, November 14). Sámi representatives in COP26 raise concerns over ‘green colonialism’. The Barents Observer. Available at: https://thebarentsobserver.com/en/indigenous-peoples/2021/11/sami-representatives-cop26-raise-concerns-over-green-colonialism

[2] See for example: Salonen, S-M. (2021, November 14). Sámi representatives in COP26 raise concerns over ‘green colonialism’. The Barents Observer. Available at: https://thebarentsobserver.com/en/indigenous-peoples/2021/11/sami-representatives-cop26-raise-concerns-over-green-colonialism

[3] Paltto, A-S. & Tammela, L. (2021, May 18). Saamelaisten huoli vaihtui huojennukseen, kun Jäämeren rata päätettiin poistaa maakuntakaavasta: Arvokas päätös, mutta yhä pelottaa. Yle/ Finnish Broadcasting Company. Available at: https://yle.fi/uutiset/3-11935800

[4] Keskinen, S. (2019). Intra-Nordic Differences, Colonial/Racial Histories, and National Narratives: Rewriting Finnish History. Scandinavian studies, 91(1-2), 163-181. https://doi.org/10.5406/scanstud.91.1-2.0163

[5] See, e.g. International Panel of Climate Change (2018). Global Warming of 1.5°C. An IPCC Special Report on the impacts of global warming of 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. Available at: https://www.ipcc.ch/sr15/

[6] Laatikainen (2020). Ylitornion kunnanhallitus hyväksyi Honkavaara-Isovaaran tuulivoima-alueen kaavoitusaloitteen. Lapin Kansa. Available at: https://www.lapinkansa.fi/ylitornion-kunnanhallitus-hyvaksyi-honkavaara-isov/2967286

[7] Seipiharju, S. (2020, July 29). Lisääntyvä tuulivoimaa luo painetta porotaloudelle Norjassa – tuoreen raportin mukaan porotalous ja tuulivoima eivät sovi samalle alueelle. Yle/ Finnish Broadcasting Company. Available at: https://yle.fi/uutiset/3-11466670; Ny Teknik (2016, August 24). Studie: Vindkraftverk stör renar. Available at: https://www.nyteknik.se/energi/studie-vindkraftverk-stor-renar-6779259

[8] Verde (2021)

[9] Yle/Finnish Broadcasting Company (2010, December 10). Tutkimus: Vesivoiman rakentaminen vahingoitti saamelaisia. Available at: https://yle.fi/uutiset/3-5682820

[10] Leukumaavaara, J. (2019, August 29). Twitter-saamelainen Janne Hirvasvuopio haluaa puhua vihreästä kolonialismista. Vihreä Lanka. Available at: https://www.vihrealanka.fi/juttu/twitter-saamelainen-janne-hirvasvuopio-haluaa-puhua-vihre%C3%A4st%C3%A4-kolonialismista

[11] Juuso, K. (2020, February 26). Vihreä kolonialismi valtaa Suomen. Blog post at Kaisa Juuso – kansanedustaja. Available at: https://kaisajuuso.kotisivukone.com/blogi/2020/02/26/33389

[12] Quijano, A. (2007). COLONIALITY AND MODERNITY/RATIONALITY. Cultural studies (London, England), 21(2-3), 168-178. https://doi.org/10.1080/09502380601164353

[13] Pettenger, M. E. (2016). The social construction of climate change: Power, knowledge, norms, discourses. Routledge; Brugnach, M., Craps, M. & Dewulf, A. (2017). Including indigenous peoples in climate change mitigation: Addressing issues of scale, knowledge and power. Climatic change, 140(1), 19-32. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10584-014-1280-3

Written by Johanna Zilliacus

Photo: Alexandr Unikovskiy / Pexels.com

In this blog post, I will explore the social exclusion of Sámi indigenous people in a Finnish context. This blog will serve as background to a discussion on green coloniality that will follow in a second blog post. I mainly aim to explore the sociocultural and economic borders built between Sámi and the Finnish government. I will discuss this topic from a perspective of coloniality of power, a theoretical framework initially developed by the Peruvian sociologist Aníbal Quijano, as well as borders and social exclusion. In my second blog post, I aim to tie these concepts together through the concrete case of wind power projects in Finland, exploring how green colonialism contributes to the process of bordering and social exclusion of Sámi peoples in Finland.

Coloniality of power

Coloniality of power as a framework aims to explain how the formal political colonisation system affects power relations in the contemporary world. Although formal colonialism has been abolished in most cases, a Eurocentric worldview still dominates. The colonial power structures have later been codified as, for example, race, ethnicity and nationality, and they maintain the Eurocentric power still today. The coloniality of power can be seen in perception of knowledge and science, among others. The Eurocentric view is considered the “rational” and “objective” one, compared with, for example, indigenous knowledge[1].

In Finland, Suvi Keskinen from the University of Helsinki has studied how coloniality of power exercised by the Finnish state (and before that, the Swedish kingdom, which Finland was part of until 1809) has affected Sámi peoples throughout history. Race theory was developed by Finns during the 19^th and 20^th centuries with the objective to “prove” the inferiority of the Sámi race, which included measuring skulls and photographing Sámi bodies. Since then, the existence of a biological race has been proven a misconception[2], but stereotypes relating to cultural, social and political race are still alive. Land ownership and land use rights have been gradually removed from the Sámi communities. For example, municipal and national governments replaced the self-organising Sámi villages (siidas). Assimilation programmes, notably the boarding schools created in the mid-20^th century for promoting Finnish language and culture, are examples of the use of colonial power by the Finnish state[3], traumas which are still felt today within the Sámi communities[4].

Social, cultural and economic borders

The national borders that divide Sápmi into parts of the Nordic nation-states are not generally visible, but they play a significant role in the daily lives of Sámi. A person might have to cross a national border to visit a relative living in the same Sápmi region, speaking the same language. The creation and shifts in the national borders have negatively impacted Sámi cultures and livelihoods[5]. However, these are not the only borders that exist for Sámi communities. Borders can be seen as complex institutions that are multidimensional and overlapping[6]. Apart from administrative and geopolitical nation-state borders, sociocultural and economic borders have been built between the Nordic settler states and the indigenous Sámi groups. These borders appear and are often established to draw lines between the “self” and “others”[7].

As a result of the coloniality of power that has been exercised against the Sámi in Finland, borders have been established that divide Finland/Finns as the (settler) colonial power from the “others”, i.e. Sápmi/Sámi. Socially, Sámi peoples have been infantilised, leading to Finns of the mainstream culture seeing them as incapable of managing their matters, justifying the assimilation programmes that have historically taken place. Culturally, this is seen in the mocking of Sámi culture in Finnish media, such as TV shows, as well as through cultural appropriation of e.g. Sámi traditional clothing [8] . There are countless accounts of Finns speaking out to undermine the gravity of this ridicule and cultural appropriation[9]. Economically, limiting access to land and regulation of central Sámi livelihoods such as reindeer herding and fishing has negatively impacted income opportunities and sustaining livelihoods [10]. I have also personally witnessed the coloniality of power exercised by the Finnish state. I myself grew up in Southern Finland in the 90s surrounded by TV sketch-shows ‘punching down’ at Sámi, kids in my school yard wearing fake Sámi hats, and being taught virtually nothing of Sámi history and culture in school.

Social exclusion of Sámi

The bordering processes have led to the social exclusion of Sámi peoples. Social exclusion as a concept looks at the processes that drive power relations and inequality. Further, it examines the multidimensionality of deprivation and different forms of it. Although there are many definitions and applications of social exclusion, one of its aspects is examining inequalities or exclusion as a result of social relationships, taking into account the power and status of different groups of people. The unequal use of power creates hierarchies of power between social groups[12]  – in line with the concept of coloniality of power. Social exclusion aims to discover the process in which these power relationships cause inequalities between different groups. The process of social exclusion of the Sámi has been built during several decades of uneven power relationships between the Finnish state (or the Swedish crown , before the establishment of Finland as a nation state) and the Sámi communities[12]. The unequal use of power can be explained through the coloniality of power. The Finnish, Eurocentric view on knowledge, science and rationality was considered superior to the infantilised Sámi peoples.

See my second blog post that discusses how the social exclusion of Sámi communities is affected by green colonialism as part of Finnish climate politics.

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[1] Quijano, A. (2007). COLONIALITY AND MODERNITY/RATIONALITY. Cultural studies (London, England), 21(2-3), 168-178. https://doi.org/10.1080/09502380601164353; Quijano, A. (2000). Coloniality of Power and Eurocentrism in Latin America. International sociology, 15(2), 215-232. https://doi.org/10.1177/0268580900015002005

[2] Chou, V. (2017). How Science and Genetics are Reshaping the Race Debate of the 21st Century. Blog on website of Harvard University, The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. Available at: https://sitn.hms.harvard.edu/flash/2017/science-genetics-reshaping-race-debate-21st-century/

[3] Keskinen (2019)

[4] West, S. (2021). Eatnameamet: Our Silent Struggle. Documentary film

[5] Keskinen (2019)

[6] Haselsberger, B. (2014). Decoding borders. Appreciating border impacts on space and people. Planning theory & practice, 15(4), 505-526. https://doi.org/10.1080/14649357.2014.963652

[7] Newman, D. (2003). On borders and power: A theoretical framework. Journal of borderlands studies, 18(1), 13-25. https://doi.org/10.1080/08865655.2003.9695598

[8] Ranta, K. & Kanninen, J. (2019). Vastatuuleen: Saamen kansan pakkosuomalaistamisesta. Kustantamo S&S; West (2021)

[9] See e.g. Näkkäläjärvi, P. (2016). Näkökulma: Närkästyneet saamelaiset otsikoissa. Yle/ Finnish Broadcasting Company. Available at: https://yle.fi/sapmi/3-8877876?fbclid=IwAR0X_XRQTDKBnT-ZPhWVZsA7GXeFrerYbGLDVu1H_SqQL6SEdel55ziK1Ok

[10] Ranta, K. & Kanninen, J. (2019). Vastatuuleen: Saamen kansan pakkosuomalaistamisesta. Kustantamo S&S; West (2021)

[11] Mathieson et al (2008). Social Exclusion: Meaning, measurement and experience and links to health inequalities. A review of literature. WHO Social Exclusion Knowledge Network Background Paper 1. Available at: https://www.who.int/social_determinants/media/sekn_meaning_measurement_experience_2008.pdf.pdf

[12] Keskinen (2019)